रविवार, 29 मई 2011

Historical Chronology of Jammu and Kashmir

App. 3000 B.C.: Kashmir clan is named in Mahabharata.
2629-2564 B.C.: Rule by King Sandiman.
2082-2041 B.C.: Rule by King Sunder Sen rules Kashmir.
1048-1008 B.C.: King Nara rules Kashmir.
250 B.C.: Shrinagari (today's Srinagar is located about three miles from Shrinagari) near the ancient capital Pandhrenatha is founded by Ashoka the Great.
7th century: King Lalitaditya builds the famous Sun temple and formed the city of Pharihaspura.
813-850: Pampore was founded by Padma, during the rule of King Ajatapida
855-883: King Avantivarman builds the town of Avantipur and the famous Sun temple.
883-902: King Shankaravarman builds Shankarapura-pattan (now known as Pattan).
1128-1149: Reign of King Jayasim.
mid-12th: Muslim invasion of Kashmir.
1322 Turks, under ferocious Zulkadur Khan, first invade Kashmir.
1394-1416: Central Asian ruler, Sikander invades Kashmir and brings about mass conversion to Islam. After the tyranny of Sikander was over, only eleven Kashmiri Hindu families survive.
1540: Mirz Haidar, a relative of Humayun (of the Moghul invader dynasty) conquers Kashmir. Kashmir gradually absorbed into Moghul Empire.
1810-1820: Maharajah Ranjit Singh, one of the greatest rulers of India, regains Jammu and appointed his Dogra feudatory Gulab Singh to rule the State.
Mar 16, 1846: The present State is created by a treaty between the British East India Company acting on behalf of the British Government and Maharajah Gulab Singh in Amritsar.
1931: One of the worst communal riots led by Sheikh Abdullah and his Muslim Conference.
1939: Muslim Conference becomes the National Conference.
Aug 15, 1947: India gains independence. The ruler of Kashmir, Maharaja Hari Singh yet to make up his mind regarding accession.
Oct 22, 1947: Pakistan violates the Standstill Agreement by preventing essential supplies to the State, then hoards of armed Pakistani tribesman entered Kashmir.
Oct 26, 1947: Hari Singh signs the instrument of accession, it is no different than the one signed by over 500 other rulers. The accession of Kashmir was accepted by the Governor General of India Lord Mountbatten.
Oct 27, 1947: The first Indian forces arrived in Kashmir to defend against Pakistani troops.
Dec 31, 1947: A highly unconstitutional offer of plebiscite was made by Prime Minister Nehru in the U.N.
Jan 1, 1948: India under Nehru declares a unilateral cease-fire and under Article 35 of the U.N. Charter, India files a complaint with the U.N. Security Council. Pakistan still controls 2/5 of the State.
Jan 20, 1948: The U.N. Security Council in its resolution of establishes the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP).
Jul 1948: Mohd. Zafrulla Khan, then the Foreign Minister of Pakistan and principal Delegate of Pakistan in the U.N. admits to the U.N. Commission for India and Pakistan that the Pakistani Army had been in Kashmir.
Aug 13, 1948: UNCIP adopts a resolution on Kashmir accepted by both India and Pakistan. Pakistan is blamed for the invasion of Kashmir and is instructed to withdraw its forces from Kashmir.
Jan 1, 1949: Amidst great tension, one minute before midnight, India and Pakistan concluded a formal cease fire agreement.
Jan 5, 1949: Almost a year after Nehru's offer of plebiscite, the UNCIP passes a resolution that states that, "The question of accession of the state of Jammu and Kashmir to India or Pakistan will be decided through the democratic method of free and impartial plebiscite". However, Pakistan has yet to comply with the earlier resolution and withdraw from the State. Also, Pakistan is now busy changing the demographic composition of the State.
1949: Not withstanding the opposition by several authors of the Indian Constitution, including Dr. Ambedkar, its chief architect, Article 370 was inserted in the constitution of India. This article is meant as a temporary measure, to be in effect until the formal constitution of Jammu and Kashmir is drafted.
Jun 1948: Sheikh Abdullah declares, "We the people of Jammu and Kashmir, have thrown our lot with Indian people not in the heat of passion or a moment of despair, but by a deliberate choice. The union of our people has been fused by the community of ideals and common sufferings in the cause of freedom".
1949: Following the cabinet decision taken by the Abdullah Government, Hari Singh steps down. Hari Singh's son, Karan Singh is named his successor.
Apr 1950 UN Security Council appoints Sir Owen Dixon as the UN representative in place of UNCIP to find expeditious and enduring solution to the India-Pakistan dispute over Kashmir.
Oct 1950: General Council of the National Conference demands elections to create a Constituent Assembly.
Sep 1951: Elections for the Constituent Assembly are held The National Conference wins all 45 seats unopposed.
Oct 1951: Constituent Assembly of the State of Jammu and Kashmir is inaugurated.
Nov 5, 1951: The Constituent Assembly is given four tasks by Sheikh Abdullah which including the accession to India.
Nov-Dec 1951: Karan Singh steps down as the ruler, and is elected by the Constituent Assembly of the Jammu and Kashmir State as Sardar- i-Riyasat (Governor).
1952: Jana Sangh begins campaign called "Ek Vidhan Ek Pradhan" (One Constitution, one leader) and demands that the State of Jammu and Kashmir be totally integrated into India and that the people from the other States be able to visit Jammu and Kashmir without a passport.
1952: Jana Sang leader Shyamaprasad Mukherjee dies in a Kashmiri Jail under mysterious circumstances.
Aug 9, 1953: Sheikh Abdullah is arrested. He had turned corrupt and autocrat. He tried to hold India for ransom by giving increasingly anti-India speeches and preserve his power.
Feb 1954: Under the leadership of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad DEMOCRATICALLY ELECTED Constituent Assembly of the State of Jammu and Kashmir ratified the State's accession to India.
May 14, 1954: The President of India promulgates the Constitution (Application to Jammu and Kashmir) Order placing on a final footing the applicability of the other provisions of the Indian Constitution to Jammu and Kashmir.
1956: Constitution (Seventh Amendment) Act 1956, the category of Part B State was aboilished and Jammu and Kashmir was included as one of the States of India under Article I. However, Article 370 of the Indian constitution is still retained.
Jan 26, 1957: After the formal inauguration of its constitution, the Constituent Assembly dissolves itself.
1958: All-India services extended to J and K through an amendment in Article 312.
1964: Sheikh Abdullah released from the prison.
1965: Pakistan attacks India, in operation code named, Gibraltar. The defeat of Pakistan results in theTashkent Agreement between the two countries.
Mar 30, 1965: Article 249 of Indian Constitution extended to Jammu and Kashmir whereby the center could legislate on any matter enumerated in state list (just like in any other State in the Union). Designations like Prime Minister and President of the State are replace by Chief Minister and Governor.
1971: Pakistani attack on India results in the third war between the two countries. Pakistan is completely defeated, over 90,000 of its men surrendered.
1972: India and Pakistan sign the Shimla Pact. Two agree to respect the line of control until the issue is finally resolved.
Feb 24-25, 1975: Following an accord signed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Abdullah on February 24, 1975, Jammu and Kashmir is made a "Constituent Unit" of India on February 25, 1975. Through this accord Indian Parliament reaffirms its right to legislate on any matter concerning the territory of the State.
1977: National Conference wins the first post-Emergency elctions.
1982: Sheikh Abdullah nominates his son, Farooq Abdullah as his successor setting up a political rivalry between Farooq Abdullah and his brother-in-law G. M. Shah.
1986: In one of the most shameful acts of religious massacre, several ancient historical Hindu temples are destroyed and scores of Hindus were killed in the city of Anantnag. Chief Minister G. M. Shah looses power to his brother-in-law Farooq Abdullah.
1990-1991: In a spate of terrorist violence, 2400 people have died so far, and 300,000 people have been driven out of their homes. Pakistan's involvement in this carnage of violence is beyond doubt.

Kashmir: Blunders Committe by Nehru

      The partition of India was the end result of the 1200-year long continuous freedom struggle for total independence for the entire country. During this long era of slavery every generation had kept the flame of the struggle flame through their matchless sacrifices and never accepted bondage even for a day. One generation kept on handing over the strings of struggle to the other and as such the struggle went on in different forms. But when the strings of this struggle came in the hands of the congress, instead of handing it ouer to the new generation it decided to end the struggle, thereby stabbing in the back of the social self-respect, and the national goal of total independence for the entire country.
    The decision of the fatigued and old Congress leaders to abandon the struggle resulted in the partition of India. The incidents of massacre crossed their limits and slapped the faces of those who used to say that partition could be possible on their dead bodies. The country was divided well in front of their eyes. The century old and the world's first nation was partitioned because of the hunger for power and as a result of impatience of its leaders.

    In the intoxication of the so called independence the country's leaders cauld not visualise the plans of those anti- nationalists who'were already engaged in the conspiracies of partitioning the already divided country. Kashmir became a victim of such anti-national elements.

    Nehru's short-sightedness

    During the time of the partition of India in 1947 all the states were given the right, under the Indian Independence Act, to accede either to India or to Pakistan. Giving display of his political wisdom and capacity for taking decisions, the then Union Home Minister, Sardar Patel, succeeded in merging about 600 states with the Indian union. As a result of obstinacy and rigidity of Hyderabad and Junagarh, Sardar Patel merged them with India through military campaign.

    But the matter of Jammu and Kashmir was kept by Pt. Nehru in his hands. His national outlook and his capacity to take decisions were eclipsed by his affection for Abdullah and his animosity with Maharaja Hari Singh and his ingrained Kashmiriyat. This personal ego kept Kashmir away from the rest of the Indian states.

    Maharaja's indecisiveness

    In this hour of crisis Maharaja of Kashmir, Hari Singh, was caught in confusion. By acceding to India, Nehru's obduracy would not suit the Maharaja and by joining Pakistan the future of the vast Hindu society in Jammu Kashmir and Ladakh was to remain in the ditch of darkness. He felt the danger of destruction and annihilation of thousands of temples and monasteries, built by his forefathers, reserves of Sanskrit books and scriptures and bloomed culture which are a symbol of Indianness. As a result of his farsightedness and his innate love for united India the Maharaja turned down all the allurements of Mr. M.A. Jinnah. The geographical position of Jammu and Kashmir too was a cause of his problem. The highway that linked Jammu and Kashmir with India passed through Pathankot only. The rest of the routes passed through Pakistan. The main highways of Sialkot sand Rawalpindi were with Pakistan. Therefore, even while being in favour of accession with India, the Maharaja could not take the final decision.

    Mountbatten: Behind the Scene

    Mountbatten too played his role in maintaining the Maharaja's indecision. According to Dr. Gourinath Rastogi, Mountbatten knew that if Jammu Kashmir was merged with India, then the strategic Gilgit area would come out of the influence of the Anglo-American block and the plan of carrying out a military siege of the Soviet Union could not materialise. Contrary to this, merger of Kashmir with Pakistan would facilitate this scheme. Mountbatten besides being an expert Army officer was also a skilful diplomat. He succeeded, for a long time, in preventing Maharaja Hari Singh from acceding to the Indian union by influencing the then Prime Minister, R.C Kak through his English wife, who further influenced the Maharaja.

    Jinnah's diplomacy

    Those very days Sheikh Abdullah too remained busy in playing his political tricks. He established links with Pakistan and prevailed upon Jinnah to merge Kashmir with Pakistan in the name of Islam. On the advice of the Prime Minister, R.C Kak, Maharaja Hari Singh put forth a resolution favouring a Standstill Agreemellt while keeping in view all the above mentioned compulsions. Pakistan gave its approval to the proposal after finding it a golden opportunity for keeping Kashmir away from India. But India did not agree Gopalaswami Aiyer, Minister for State Affairs, reached Srinagar to discuss the issue with the Maharaja. The Maharaja was unmoved. On the other side, Pakistan was keen to grab Kashmir.

    Jinnah formulated a comprehensive scheme for wooing and pressurising Maharaja Hari Singh to accede to Pakistan. He used all moral, illegal and militaly pressures for forcing the Maharaja to accede to Pakistan. He sought permission from the Maharaja for staying in Kashmir for a few days. He wanted to prepare the Muslims in Kashmir for revolting against the Maharaja. Sh. Mehar Chand Mahajan has written that as per the plans of Jinnah he wanted Kashmir. Like the Mughal emperors, he wanted to see Kashmir as part of Pakistan so that as Governor General af Pakistan he could enjoy the salubrious climate of the valley. He would treat Kashmir in his pocket whether accession took place as per the wishes of the people or by force.

    Seditious ways of R.C. Kak

    The then Prime Minister, R.C. Kak, assured Jinnah of his support for his goal. Kak tried his best to influence the Maharaja but as an Indian nationalist the Maharaja had understood the link-up between Jinnah and Kak and he cleverly and politely prevented Jinnah from coming to Srinagar. R.C. Kak did not like all this.

    Now Pakistan used another missile. It imposed economic blockade and closed all the routes to Kashmir The postal and telecommunications services were disrupted. The supply of essential commodities was stopped. Pakistan violated the Standstill Agreement which R.C. Kak had got approved by it. The moment the veil was lifted from the pro-Pakistan feelings of R.C Kak, the Maharaja immediately sacked him and appointed Gen. Janak Singh as the interim Prime Minister.

    Pak invasion: Mehar Chand Mahajan as new Prime Minister

    When the economic blockade failed, Pakistan took recourse to the third option. Armed Pakistani tribals infiltrated into Kashmir. It was an open invasion of Pakistan on India. In this highly serlous situation the Maharaja, through the help of Sardar Patel, appointed Chief Justice of Punjab High Court, Mr. Mehar Chand Mahajan, as the Prime Minister. But Sheikh Abdullah did not want to see is farsighted and influential person installed as Prime Mlnister. In this connection he established his contact with his dear friend, Pt. Nehru. But Sardar Patel smashed all his plans.

    With the installation of Mehar Chand Mahajan as Prime Minister, Pakistan extended its invasion to the borders of the entire state. Besides the invasion, Pakistan kept on pressurising the Maharaja for acceding to Pakistan. According to Mehar Chand Mahajan, the son-in-law of a former Chief justice of Lahore High Court, Major Shah, who was one among important secretaries of Pakistan, was in Srinagar at that time. He was roaming in Srinagar with a whip and sword in one hand and accession papers in his other hand. He was pressurising Gen. Janak Singh and the deputy Prime Minister that they should prevail upon the Maharaja to accede to Pakistan. But by then he had not succeeded.

    Plan to abduct the Maharaja

    Pakistan continued to indulge in pressure tactics and the Maharaja too remained steadfast with confidence. Pakistan formulated a plan for kidnapping the Maharaja. Mehar Chand Mahajan has given an account of this scheme in his book "The bitter truth of Kashmir".

    According to him, there was a plan to abduct the Maharaja and "myself" and force "us" to accede to Pakistan at gunpoint. "The news of our activities were being immediately sent to Pakistani authorities. This way our programme of touring the border had been made available to Pakistan. The police Chief of Jammu was an agent of Pakistan". His plan was that "when we are having our meals in the Bhimber Dak Bunglow we will be arrested." Bhimber is close to the Pakistani border and falls on the famous Mughal route in Kashmir. The road runs close to the border and its one side touches Pakistan. "We had decided to go to Kathua on 20th and on 21st to Bhimber and Mirpur. Pakistanis had planned to attack us with armoured cars on October 21. Their objective was to destroy the Bunglow after arresting us, occupy the city, annihilate the Hindu population and loot their property".

    They were, however, saved by unexpected incident, when on October 20 they reached near Kathua and stopped at a crossing. Here one road led to Kathua and the other to Bhimber and Akhnoor. The Maharaja ordered the jeep driver to drive to Bhimber instead of Kathua. Mehar Chand Mahajan objected to it on the plea that officers would be waiting for the Maharaja at Kathua and on the wayside and when they had not sent any programme to Bhimber, there would be no proper arrangements there. The Maharaja brushed aside my objections and said that he was not bound by any programme and he would hardly follow any". They went to Akhnoor and Bhimber and since it was late they could not reach Mirpur. The Pakistani invaders were active all along the border and it would look like a cremation ground in distant places. The Hindus were marching for safety and the Maharaja and his Prime Minister made some arrangement for their security. They had their lunch in the Bhimber Dak Bunglow and after issuing instructions for security arrangements for the city, they reached Jammu at 10 in the night. On the return journey to Jammu, houses on either side of the roads, were aflame. The Army was busy in restoring order and in providing assistance to the people. The Army Chief was present at the site and whatever was possible was being done to stop arson and massacre. And as per the earlier plan armed attack was launched from Gujarat and Bhimber Dak Bunglow was destroyed on October 21. Had they followed the initial programme fixed by the Msharaja they would have been burnt to death. But Maharaja's intuition had saved them from being killed by the Pakistanis.

    Brigadier Rajinder Singh's rebuff to the invaders

    The Maharaja's troops faced the powerful Pakistani invasion with courage. The Maharaja directed his Army Chief, Brigadier Rajinder Singh, to protect the state till his last breath. Brig. Rajinder Sirgh had, after receiving his degree from the P.W. College, Jammu, joined the State Army as Lieutenant. His rise was quick and with his qualities of discipline he became the Chief of the Army Staff on August 14, 1947.

    On the unfortunate day of October 22 he was on official duty in the cantonment in Srinagar. He received a message that Muzaffarabad was under a major attack and the invaders were marching towards Srinagar. For the time being even the reserve troops were not nearby. He succeeded in organising a small group of 150 soldiers and civilians. But it was necessary to save the city and the only way far doing this was to stop the invaders on the Baramulla road. Brigadier Rajinder Singh decided to launch an attack from Dhumel, 112 kms from Srinagar.

    But Dhumel was lost and the enemy troops marched ahead. The enemy took position at Garhi, 16 kms inside the state. The enemy troops stopped the infant company of soldiers of Rajinder Singh. Despite reverses, Rajinder Singh stood his ground for sometime but when the invaders attempted to lay a siege on the soldiers of Rajinder Singh, they came out of the siege and decided to return to Baramulla.

    Struggle till the last moment

    This retreat encouraged the enemy troops who reached Uri. Regrouping his troops the Brigadier rushed to Uri. In Uri Rajinder Singh faced the full thrust of the enemy and he performed the main task of stopping the invaders as long as he could so that their march to Srinagar was delayed. The Brigadier destroyed that bridge which cut the base of the enemies from the next place. The invaders launched a three pronged attack which caused great loss to the Brigadier. First he retreated his soldiers from Moharra and then from Rampat (Jehlum Valley road). Here the Brigadier fought a bitter battle with the enemy for 11 hours. But the Brigadier had to pay a heavy loss. In the end he ordered the remaining troops to retreat. When the troops, while fighting, were searching for defensive position, Rajinder Singh was single-handed firing continuously to provide fire cover to the rear company. There at that time two bullets hit him, one injuring his right arm and the other his right leg but this did not silence his gun. Quickly the enemy surrounded him and he was killed.

    In the "History of Kashmir" Bamzai has written that the Brigadier and his soldier colleagues, cooks, mess bearers and orderlies, under the orders of the Brigadier, had taken up arms and performed great feat in the military history of the world. These sons of their motherland of India stopped the Pakistani troops for three days and prevented them from marching ahead.

    Nehru's obstacle in accession

    The RSS activists on the basis of their intelligence had already informed the Maharaja about the Pak plan of invasion and about the mutiny of Muslim soldiers. Expectedly Muslim soldiers, in the Maharaja's Army, killed their commander, Col. Narain Singh, and joined the Pakistani troops. In order to save people from the crisis, which had gripped Jammu and Kashmir, and in the interest of the integrity of India, the Maharaja accepted to give up his ego. He immediately sent his Prime Minister, Justice Mehar Chand Mahajan, to Delhi with the accession proposal, which had been signed by him. He had also requested the Government of India for sending troops. This pertains to October 24, 1947.

    In the letter of October 26, 1947 the Maharaja had written in clear terms to Lord Mountbatten that the current situation and crisis in "my state has left me with the only option of seeking help from India". He had informed Mountbatten that so long he did not accede to India, it was natural that India could not give him the assistance he had sought for. Therefore, he has decided to do it and he had submitted the relevant accession papers for the approval of his Government.

    It is a matter of misfortune for the country and Kashmir that still Pt. Nehru's obstinacy and personal ego created hurdles. Nehru had plainly told the Maharaja "First handover power in Jammu and Kashmir to Sheikh Abdullah, quit Jammu and Kashmir and go out of the state, then accession can be accepted and then the Indian troops will reach Srinagar". The "I will not agree" note wasted two days and there in Kashmir the Pakistani troops while carrying out destruction, rape, arson and other crimes had reached Srinagar. Nehru's obduracy proved heavy on the sincere suggestions of Sardar Patel, Gopalaswami Aiyangar, Acharya Kriplani, and Mahatma Gandhi. In the end, the Maharaja agreed to handover power to Sheikh Abdullah in the interest of the nation. On October 27, 1947 the Indian troops landed on the Srinagar airport which had been made worthy of landing by thousands of RSS workers' round the clock hard work. The Indian Army exhibited such a chivalry that the Pakistani soldiers took to their heels. Sheikh Abdullah, who had fled with his family members to a friend's house in Indore, was taken back to Srinagar under the security of the Indian Army in a plane of the Indian Airforce. Like a bridegroom he reached Srinagar. The Maharaja staked all he had and reached Jammu.

    Nehru's policy: punishment for nationalist and reward for anti-national

    This way Prime Minister of India, Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, treated his personal friendship with a separatist, communalist and anti-national like Sheikh Abdullah above the security and integrity of the nation. Nehru tried to insult the nationalist Maharaja by projecting the Maharaja as too insignificant in comparison to the Sheikh. When Mehar Chand Mahajan reached Delhi with the accession letter, Nehru thought that if he would accept the proposal directly the credit would go to the Maharaja. Nehru wanted that this credit too should go to the Sheikh. It is said that at that time the Sheikh was in another room of Nehru. It is not known as to how the Sheikh, who had fled at the time of the invasion on Kashmir, had come to Nehru's place. When the Sheikh, who earlier plotted with Pakistan and was a schemer, said "yes" to the accession, Nehru accepted it. Nehru had patronised a traitor.

    "It is said that the leader of the National Conference did not like the Maharaja. I wish to ask whether the people of Hyderabad liked the Nizam of Hyderabad ? It is said that whatever Maharaja Hari Singh did after the partition and prior to the accession was shocking. I would like to ask that whatever the Nizam did through Layaq Ali and Qasim Rizvi, was that against the flames of communalism and in favour of friendship with India ? I want the Government of India to read its own white paper on the Nizam and say whether Hari Singh or Nizam of Hyderabad was bad ? Despite this, the Nizam was drawing Rs. one crore as yearly salary as head of the state. Maharaja Hari Singh is spending his last days in Bombay. I want to ask why this discrimination ? Was it a fault of Maharaja Hari Singh that he announced Kashmir's accession to India ? In the absence of his accession-related announcement, we have till today no basis for treating Kashmir as part of India. The Maharaja of Kashmir could too have been made a constitutional ruler like other Indian princes. His presence would have been a guarantee for Kashmir's unity. We have finished this guarantee and he has been left in the middle of feuds and disorder." (Urdu Daily Milap, April 1952)

    The policy of appeasement of the Muslims by Pt. Nehru and his friends in the Congress left Kashmir in the hands of those who had already partitioned the country. Had the Congress leaders any love for national interest, they would have entrusted power to Maharaja Hari Singh. But this nationalist ruler, who brought about Jammu and Kashmir's accession to India, had to spent his last days in Bombay as an ousted person. He had to remain away from the soil of his land. But against this, the Muslim Nizam of Hyderabad, who, under the instructions of Pakistan, launched an attack on the Indian troops, was installed as head of the princely state and was given Rs. one crore as yearly salary.

    The insult and defeat of the Maharaja was an insult and defeat of the united nationalist forces of India. Sheikh Abdullah's political victory and welcome was a victory for those antinational elements who had set foot on the soil of India in the 7th Century for converting India into Darul Islam. It can be treated as a misfortune for the entire India and Kashmir that here the nationalist forces have been defeated by their own people.

    The cat out of its bag

    Accordingto Sh. Balraj Madhok, the mistake of entrusting the reins of the Government not only of Kashmir but of the entire state to Sheikh Abdullah was bigger than the mistake of keeping Jammu and Kashmir out of the jurisdiction of Sardar Patel. This became evident from the first speech of the Sheikh in Srinagar on the evening of October 27. Mr. Madhok had himself listened to the speech. During his one-hour long speech the Sheikh did not, even once, talked about the Government of India and the Indian Army on whose shoulders he had returned to Srinagar and received the reins of the Government. He kept on inciting people with religious sentiments and went on repeating the Kalima. Raising his voice he had said "we have picked up the crown of Kashmir from the dust and whether we accede to India or to Pakistan is a secondary question, first of all we have to complete our freedom". Just one sentence clarified his intentions. His desire was to make Kashmir an independent sultanate and not accede to India.

    The Sheikh picked up the crown from the dust and got engaged in ruining Kashmir. Which was this crown ? Which was that dust ? And what dces this total independence mean ? These questions have remained unanswered till today. This "dust" was of Hindu Dogra rulers of Kashmir from whose head he had removed the crown and put it on his head. And the "crown" was those Muslim sultans whose 500-year long activities of atrocities and inhuman cruelties had converted Kashmir to Muslim Kashmir. The meaning of total independence lay in the Sheikh's becoming a Sultan.

    Fetters of Security Council in the feet of victorious soldiers

    On assuming power, the Sheikh's treacherous and antinational feelings removed all their curtains and presented themselves shamelessly. But there was no change in the intentions of Nehru. The Muslim vote bank had opened its mouth in the entire country. Pt. Nehru adopted an ostrich type attitude. Sheikh Abdullah left no stone unturned in discouraging the Indian Army by issuing his orders. After ensuring the seucrity of Srinagar, when the Army marched to attack other areas of Kashmir, Mirpur, Kotli-Bhimber etc., to protect these places, the Sheikh stopped them. Several thousand Hindus in these areas had been mercilessly killed. When the Chief Commander of the Indian Army, Gen. Pranjaype, informed Nehru about such activities of the Sheikh, Pt. Nehru told him plainly "Do whatever Sheikh Sahib tells you?" The result of this "do the same" policy was that whatever portion of Jammu and Kashmir was with Pakistan had to remain with Pakistan. On the basis of the occupation of this part of the state, Pakistan is ridiculing the policies of the Indian rulers.

    Nehru, who was fond of wearing a rose and who remained drunk in his Kashmiriyat and pro-Muslim bias, kept on striking his feet with his axe and the strikes of this merciless and directionsless axe had kept on causing cracks in Kashmir, the crown of mother India. When the Indian troops were marching for liberating Pakistan occupied Kashmir, and the liberation was a metter of a few hours, that very moment Nehru, on the direction of the Sheikh, announced unilateral ceasefire on January 1, 1948. Feeling hurt over the attitude of Nehru, Justice Kunwar Dilip Singh, India's Agent General in Kashmir, resigned. Nehru did not stop there. He, without consulting Army commanders, took the Kashmir matter, at the behest of the Sheikh, to the United Nations' Security Council which announced that the fate of Kashmir can be decided through a plebiscite. Nehru invited trouble without asking. And today Pakistan, by swearing in the name of the Security council resolution, is backing the youths in Kashmir. An instance of such a political bankruptcy is not found anywhere in the world. It is a height of narrow vision.

    The Sheikh wanted to settle many scores by exploiting this problem. Had the Indian Army been allowed four-five days' time, Pakistan would have been mauled and the entire Kashmir would have been with India thereby establishing the supremacy ofthe Indian troops. The Sheikh did not want it. The narrow vision of Nehru fulfilled this wish of the Sheikh. The Kashmir problem has, thus, remained on the files of the United Nations and has become a termite in the international politics. By taking the matter, through Nehru, to the Security Council the Sheikh smoothened his ways.

    Maharaja's complaint to Patel

    The constitutional head of the State, Maharaja Hari Singh, was highly dismayed over the anti-Hindu activities of Sheikh Abdullah. The Sheikh had almost descended to the level of an anti-national rebel. He was simply worried over Kashmir and its Muslims. There was danger of an end of Hindus of Kashmir and Hindus and Muslims of Jammu and Ladakh. According to Gourinath Rastogi, "what to speak of India, the Sheikh was not even interested in the protection of the entire state. His sole aim was to protect the Kashmir valley. The events of Gilgit, Kotli, Baltistan, Mirpur, Muzaffarabad and Bhimber lend evidence to it. Soon after the state's accession with India on October 27, 1947 the Indian Army had reached Srinagar by air. The Indian troops had liberated the entire valley from the occupation of Pakistani invaders within 10 days upto November 7. The troops had to march ahead to liberate the remaining areas of the state. The Military Governor of Gilgit, Brigadier Ghansara Singh, people of Mirpur, Bhimber, Kotli and Muzaffarabad and the Hindu leaders of the Jammu region were imploring in front of the officers of the Indian Army, requesting the troops to liberate these areas from the clutches of Pakistanis. But the Indian forces were not allowed to move forward. The Army commander of Jammu province, Brigadier Pranjaype, told Hindu leaders of Jammu the reason behind this, saying "Nehru had given the overall command of the Indian Army to Sheikh Abdullah and, therefore, the Army cannot move forward without his orders".

    While giving information about the fundamentalist and conspiratorial attitude of Sheikh Abdullah Maharaja Hari Singh wrote a long letter to Sardar Patel. The Maharaja had written that even after the elapse of two months, the Indian troops were still in Uri. The main spots of Mirpur and Kotli have been lost after a defeat and the defeat "is a major blow for us. It has wounded the image of the Indian soldiers. Till now the Indian troops have not captured even a single town... In this context my position is precarious".

    The Maharaja wrote to Patel that he had supported the Indian Union under the belief that the Indian Union "will not allow us to stoop". There was no purpose of keeping the State with India if the Indian Union is not able to restore "to us our lost territory and if it is prepared to hand us over to Pakistan under the Security Council resolution". He even told the Sardar that he was prepared to take the command of the Kashmiri and the Indian troops because the country that cannot be understood by "your generals for months and years is better known to me".

    This letter indicates Maharaja's pitiable and dishonourable condition. He was pained and troubled over the plunder, destruction and defeat of his state. He was hurt by the compulsions of the Indian Army, anti-national actions of Sheikh Abdullah, intrigue of Muslim soldiers in Kashmir Army, unstable policy of the Government af India and the procrastination of the Security Council. But he was helpless. His mind was in tears on seeing his people in difficulty.

    Mehar Chand Mahajan's communciation to Patel

    Mehar Chand Mahajan too wrote a letter to Sardar Patel informing him about the plight of the Maharaja. Describing the Sheikh as a feelingless creature, he informed Patel about his (Shiekh's) fascist misrule. He wrote in his letter that the feelingless Sheikh, who had pledged faith in the Maharaja of Kashmir, was now wishing to drag the Maharaja to the court and was demanding his resignation. His new outlook is that let the Maharaja retain Jammu, Kathua and Udhampur and handover the rest of the geographical area to Pakistan. Now he was trying to meet the leader of the Muslim Conference Party, Ch. Abbas, in Jail, in order to secure his approval to his proposal.

    Mr. Mahajan, in his letter, informed Patel that a situation had reached a stage when Sheikh Abdullah was openly insulting the Maharaja and was daily giving display to his communal bent of mind". "If you permit, I could submit comprehensive details and material which can throw light on the administrative capacity, communal bent of mind of Sheikh Abdullah and his open insults to the Maharaja through the assistance of the National Guards. He has come to realise that he can do whatever he likes. After receiving your reply I shall submit, for your perusal, important examples on the corrupt administration of the Sheikh and on his fascist misrule".

    The two letters of the Maharaja and Mehar Chand were thrown in the dustbin because of the obduracy of Nehru. In front of Nehru, Sheikh Abdullah was the only saviour of Kashmir and the nationalist and the rest of the nationalist Muslims and Hindus, including the Maharaja, Mehar Chand Mahajan, Patel, Acharya Kriplani, Shyama Prasad Mookherjee, Pandit Premnath Dogra, were all unwise.

    Article 370 gives constltutional validity to separatism

    Now Jenab Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah got engaged in the task of giving practical shape to his efforts for total Islamisation of Kashmir and its complete independence. The Sheikh was the Prime Minister and not the Chief Minister of the State. The State was governed by its own constitution and not by the Constitution of India. The National Conference flag was the State flag and not the tricolour. The Indians needed a permit for visiting Jammu and Kashmir. There were several other such separatist concessions and customs which Nehru offered, as his gift, in connection with the delight on Sheikh becoming the Sultan of the State. But the Sheikh was not satisfied with it. There was one special reason behind this dissatisfaction of Sheikh Abdullah despite having the blessings from the Prime Minister of India, support of the UN Security Council and Pakistan. He had fears that Hindus of India may come and settle in the land of Kashyap Rishi. He had fears that the Kashmiri Muslims may be swept by the national mainstream. He had fears that Kashmir may be recognised on the basis of its ancient culture, Kashmir may be amalgamated like other states in India after Pt. Nehru. Such fears would spoil his sleep. In order to realise his dream of total independence for Kashmir, it was necessary to keep Jammu and Kashmir away from India permanently. He needed such an instrument through which he could protect the seed, he had sown, of separatism in Kashmir. He again took Nehru for a ride and brought him under the clutches of his schemes. By incorporating Article 370 in the Constitution of India, Nehru offered him that instrument.

    Article 370 of the Constitution gave constitutional validity to Abdullah's separatist ideas and international intrigues and gave a special position to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. It also affixed stamp on the historical fact that the Muslim majority region cannot remain with India. The details of this Article are given in the succeeding chapters.

    The Sheikh started giving practical shape to all his antinational ideas and activities. Many schemes were implemented in broad daylight which related to the recruitment of members of the National Conference and the Peoples United Front, in the Government services, full support to the activities of Jamait-e-Islami, anti-India teachings in schools, secret links with Pakistsni leaders, atrocities on Kashmiri Pandits, development of Kashmir region at the cost of Jammu and Ladakh provinces. Pt. Nehru received information about it but he adopted "I do not agree" policy. When there was no other alternative, the nationalists of Jammu and Kashmir launched a powerful agitation under the leadership of Pt. Premnath Dogra. The agitators formed Praja Parished which launched the agitation for three years. The Sheikh broke all the records in crushing this peoples' movement. People sacrificed, filled the jails, tolerated atrocities from the Kashmir police but kept alive the flame ofthe struggle. But all this did not open the eyes of Nehru.

    Sheikh exposed and Nehru slightly yielded

    Many other leades informed Nehru about the split personality of Sheikh Abdullah. Those very days a member of the Indian Constituent Assembly. Sh. M.L. Chottopdhiya, went to Kashmir for rest along with his colleague, Dr. Raghuvir. They prepared a comprehensive report about the Sheikh after holding discussions with representatives of people, social and religious leaders in the state and submitted that report before a meeting of the Parliamentary Committee of the Congress. This report carried an account of the Sheikh's scheme of having an independent Kashmir. According to Gourinath Rastogi, the Sheikh himself had givsn a proof of his desire for carving out an independent Kashmir during hiis interview with two British Journalists, Michael Davidson and Ward Price. When reports about it were published in the newspapers, Sardar Patel summoned Sheikh Abdullah and pulled him up and the Sheikh assured him that such a mistake will not be repeated. But in reality there was no change in his intentions. And the intelligence officer who had reported the matter regarding the interview was forced to Quit Kashmir. In November 1952 the defeated Democratic Party candidate, in the Presidential elections in the United States, Steevenson, had close links with Sheikh Abdullah and the two together were preparing the scheme for Independent Kashmir.

    Prime Minister Nehru visited Srinagar in May 1953. By chance, that time the five-day convention of the National Conference was going on. The report about the Sheikh's anti-India, pro-Pakistan, and separatist speeches at the convention reached Nehru. Nehru invited top leaders of the National Conference to his place. The Sheikh too was present. Nehruji tried to bring them on the right path by talking about the history of India, heritage of Kashmir and the unity of the country. Instead of accepting the guidance of Nehru, the Sheikh tried to ridicule him. The Director of the Intelligence Bureau, Mr. G.K. Handoo, who had accompanied Nehru to Srinagar as his security chief, and the Union Home Minister, Mr. Kailashnath Katju, submitted several secret documents to Nehruji. After perusing these documents Nehru told the Sheikh "Sheikh Sahib till now I was behaving with you as Jawaharlal Nehru but henceforth I shall be behaving with you in the capacity of a Prime Minister." It means Nehru himself had admitted that till then all the decisions on Kashmir were taken by Nehru in the capacity of a friend of Sheikh Abdullah and not as Prime Minister of India.

    After this, Nehru sent Maulana Azad to Srinagar to bring the Sheikh on the right path. Even being unwell, Maulana came to Srinagar on the suggestion of Nehru. Maulana tried to make the Sheikh understand things during his long meeting with him. He had told him that the welfare of Kashmir lay in being with India. The Muslims and their religion were safe in India. The Sheikh dubbed a great leader like Maulana Azad as an enemy of the Muslims and a stooge of Hindus. On returning to Delhi, Maulana Azad conveyed his experiences to Nehru and suggested to him to dismiss the Sheikh immediately.

    A member of the UNCIP mission, Joseph Karbel, in his report "Danger in Kashmir" has given a correct and meaningful account about the Sheikh.

    "In May 1949 Sheikh Abdullah had assured Jawaharlal Nehru that 'I want you to believe that Kashmir is your's. No power in the world can separate us. Every Ksshmiri feels that he is an Indian and India is his motherland'. From time to time he made a repeated mention about the total independence of Kashmir and on other occasions he announced that the idea of independence was not practicable. In 1952 he declared that 'our state is neither under the legal domination of the Indian Parliament nor that of any Parliament from outside the state. India or Pakistan, any country cannot be a spike in our wheel of progress'. After some days he described Ksshmir as such a bridge between India and Pakistan that can unite the two in one country. Two days later he said that the relations between Pakistan and India were strong and stable and no power on the earth can separate us. Again he made an announcement that 'Kashmir's existence does not depend on India's money, trade or security forces snd he does not attach any importance to the strings of Indian assistance. He cannot be forced to stoop by threats'. The fsct is that he, while raising Kashmir, step by step, carried it far away from India. One of his political rivals has described him as communal in Ksshmir, communist in Jammu and a nationalist in India."

    In the description of Joseph, the real face of Sheikh Abdullah is magnified. He gave a display of this character while crushing the Praja Parishad movement. By then the movement had received support from India. Nehru too was apprised of the dictatorial behaviour of the Sheikh and his black laws. Nehru was caught in two minds. When Dr. Shyamaprasad Mookherjee violated these black laws and reached the Jammu barder, he was arrested and sent to Srinagar Jail where he died in mysterious circumstances. The entire country was rocked by this sacrifice. When the flames of revolt against the Sheikh and the murder of Dr. Mookherjee rose from all corners of India, it opened the eyes of Nehru. In order to assess the situation in Kashmir Nehru reached Srinagar. The result: Sheikh was imprisoned.

    National character of Nehru ?

    Here many questions arise. Why was it that a leader like Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru did not know the anti-national inclinations of the Sheikh for so many years ? If he had known it, why he kept on tolerating disservice to the nation ? Why did he deliberately adopt such a policy through which Kashmir has become a permanent problem ? Did he give more importance to personal friendship than the country ? Was he too willing to see Kashmir as an independent state ?

    The then Deputy Chief of the Intelligence Bureau, Mr. B.N. Malik, has lifted the curtain from it in his book "My days with Nehru". He writes:

    'Then suddenly to our utter surprise Pandit Nehru started talking bitterly against Sheikh Abdullah's communalism. He traced the Sheikh's history from 1930 onwards and mentioned how he had started his career with the Muslim Conference, which was an out and out communal organisation. He said that as a result of pressures from outside and also seeing the development of the People's Movement in the rest of India and for purely tactical reasons and probably under the advice of some of his more liberal followers, the Sheikh had converted the Muslim Conference into the Political Conference to give it a non-communal appearance. At this time Pandit Nehru suddenly looked at me and enquired whether I had come across some information of possible British connivance in that movement. I replied in the affirmative. He continued his talk against the Sheikh and mentioned all his communal activities throughout the period he had acted as the National Conference leader. It was the Pakistani aggression which had mellowed him a little for a short time, because the tribals had committed gruesome atrocities on the Muslim population in the valley. But, as soon as he became the Prime Minister, he came out in his true colours once again and started his anti-Hindu activities. In contrast, he praised Bakshi and Sadiq for their completely non-communal outlook and said that these two were really secular-minded persons who required all support from India. Pt. Nehru said that all trouble in Kashmir was due to the Sheikh's communal outlook and it was he who was not allowing the state to settle down to peace and stability. The Sheikh always talked about the rights of the Muslims, forgetting that the Hindus also formed nearly 35 per cent of the population of the state and he never showed any consideration for them. Pt. Nehru mentioned thal politically he and other Indian leaders had to go along with the Sheikh for a considerable period and they had also helped him and played him up hoping that by coming in contact with secular India, where Muslims and Hindus and persons of all other denominations were living together and enjoying a peaceful life. Sheikh Abdullah would be able to get rid of his communalism; but communalism was a disease with him and he could never get rid of it and his entire outlook and behaviour were based on the fact that Kashmir valley had a Muslim majority. Therefore, he was not at all surprised that the Sheikh had conspired with Pakistan to overthrow the non-communal and secular Government of Bakshi and Sadiq. What Pt. Nehru said was factually correct and was similar to what Sardar Patel had stressed to me in 1949. At the end he wished G.S. Pathak a success and concluded by saying that he himself was allergic to these protracted political trials and he suggested that every effort should be made to expedite it."

    The above revelation from Malik has tied Nehru's entire life, his mind and national character to a deep question mark.

contribution of the RSS in the field of Kashmir's accession to India

    The courtiers of the Maharaja, his associates and members of the council of ministers exerted their full pressure for Kashmir's accession to India. Sardar Patel and Mahatama Gandhi too tried but the Maharaja was not prepared. He was not ready to accept the domination of Nehru. On the other side Pakistani troops had reached the borders of Kashmir.

    Meeting between the Maharaja and Sh. Guruji

    The efforts of political leaders had failed. Time was getting delicate. In these conditions Sardar Patel sent a message to the RSS Chief, Sh. M. S. Golewalker, through Mehar Chand Mahajan, requesting him to use his influence to prevail upon the Maharaja to accede to India. Sh. Guruji cancelled all his engagements and rushed to Srinagar from Nagpur by air via Delhi to resolve the ticklish and delicate question. Through the efforts of Mehar Chand Mahajan and Pt. Premnath Dogra a meeting between Sh. Guruji and Maharaja Hari Singh was arranged.

    It was not a personal meeting. It was not a discussion on house, land, property or on the politics of votes. It was a historical meeting on the question of integrity of the nation. The Maharaja who remained unmoved by many national leaders bowed his head in front of a simple-clad staunch nationalist. He understood the importance of protection of his religion and nation. The Maharaja sent the accession proposal to Delhi and Sh. Guruji directed the RSS workers in Jammu and Kashmir to shed last drop of their blood for the security of Jammu and Kashmir. After issuing these directions he returned to Delhi.

    It may be recalled that prior to it, the Punjab provincial chief of RSS, Rai Bahadur Badri Das, had also met the Maharaja in July 1947 but his efforts to prevail upon Hari Singh to accede to India had failed.

    Sh. Madhav Rao Mulle, has given information about this historical fact in the book "Shri Guruji Samagra Darshan". Sh. Madhav Rao was Praant Pracharak of RSS in Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir.

    According to Madhav Rao, "the union Home Minister, Sardar Patel, had told Mehar Chand Mahajan, Prime Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, to prepare Maharaja Hari Singh for accession of the state to India. Mehar Chand Mahajan conveyed the message to Sh. Guruji requesting him to meet the Maharaja and prepare him for the accession. Mr. Mahajan had arranged the meeting between Guruji and the Maharaja".

    "Guruji reached Srinagar by air from Delhi on October 17, 1947. The meeting took place on the morning of October 18. During the meeting prince Karan Singh, with his plastered fractured leg, was present while lying on the bed. Maharaja's contentian was that 'my state is fully dependent on Pakistan. All routes passed through Sialkot and Rawalpindi. Lahore is my airport. How can I have relations with India ?' Sh Guruji made him to understand saying 'you are a Hindu king'. By acceding to Pakistan your Hindu people will have to struggle against grave difficulties. It is correct that there is no road, rail or air link with India but it can be set right quickly. In your interest and in the interest of Jammu and Kashmir state it is better for you to accede to India."

    "Sh. Mehar Chand Mahajan told the Maharaja 'Guruji is saying the right thing. You should accede to India'. In the end the Maharaja presented a "Tosa" (superfine pashmina) shawl to Guruji. In the accession of Jammu and Kashmir with India Guruji has made an important contribution."

    There is no mention of this important event in any recognised book of history. Nobody knows about it, none has turned the page of history, nobody reads the event regarding the State's accession to India. There are three reasons for it.

    First, the men of the RSS know how to serve the country. The RSS activists are away from propagating it and they have no interest in publicising it through their writings. Guruji hated self-praise and self-publicity. Therefore, there is very scanty material written on the nationalist activities of the RSS. It is natural for the Sangh to remain aloof from the pages of history. Like many political leaders, Guruji did not write his autobiography.

    Secondly, it was the nature of the Congress to get history written. Afer achieving independence whatever books of history have been written on the freedom struggle, place has been given only to the Congress revolution. Subash Chander Bose, Savarkar, Bhagat Singh, Dr. Hedgewar and others have been sidelined. Under this trend the above mentioned national contribution of Guruji has not found any mention in the books of history. The above historical event has been lost in the self-praise of the ruling congress leaders and in their political intrigues of undermining the nationalism of others.

    Thirdly, the installation of Sheikh Abdullah as Prime Minister soon after the accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India. In order to take the credit for the State's accession to India the Sheikh lied, changed his stance many times and got many historical documents and files destroyed. It is said that the Sheikh even got destroyed Maharaja Hari Singh's historical documents and his memoirs.

    Initial security of Kashmir by RSS activists

    By the middle of 1946 the RSS Shakhas had flourished in the Kashmir valley. Educated youths came in contact with the Shakhas. And the majority of the Sangh activists in the Shakhas used to be Kashmiri Hindus. Guruji was on tour of north India and a plan had been prepared for organising a massive public meeting in Srinagar.

    All activists and workers of the RSS felt happy. It was natural. It was a great event to have a top leader of a top Hindu organisation in Kashmir where 90 per cent population was that of the Muslims, where the Hindu society has remained supportless for centuries, where the sanctity of religious places had been destroyed and where the Hindu society was existing without any respect. The meeting was organised in the premises of D.A.V. College, Srinagar. Over 1,000 RSS activists were present in the meeting. Prominent citizens of the city too were invited. they attended the meeting with faith. While emphasising the need for unity in the Hindu society, respected Guruji called for vigilance against the activities of the antinational elements and urged people to defeat these elements unitedly. This function brought about encouragement in the Valley which was evident during the Pakistani aggression on Kashmir.

    The sacrifices rendered by the RSS activists for protecting Kashmir at the time of the Partition deserve a special treatment and mention in the history of India. Right on the morning August 15, 1947 pro-pak elements had started creating disturbances in Srinagar. Pakistani green flags were hoisted on all Government buildings. The RSS activists accepted the challenge and finalised a scheme in the headquarters of RSS. By 10 o'clock thousands of RSS workers and Hindus assembled near Amirakadal bridge. Their patriotism was worth seeing. Even those who dubbed Kashmiri Pandits as cowards had to keep their fingers crossed when within a short time Pakistani flags were removed and a big procession was taken out in major streets of Srinagar. Pro-Pak elements were challenged. The entire atmosphere reverberated with the slogan of "Bharat Mata Ki Jai". The Hindu society felt encouraged and the Maharaja too realised the strength and devotion of the Sangh.

    Two prominent Sangh Pracharaks, Mr. Harish Bhanot and Mr. Mangal Sen, established contact with Pakistani officers and, in the disguise of Muslims, collected all the information about the military activities of Pakistan and of the possible invasion, for one month, which was given to Prof. Balraj Madhok. They even gave the information about the date of the aggression and the routes the invaders were to follow. The Maharaja summoned Mr. Madhok. The meeting took place in the Palace in Srinagar. After getting all the information the Maharaja demanded 200 RSS workers so that they could be given arms for protecting the city. Realising the gravity of the situation, Mr. Madhok promised to bring 200 RSS activists the next morning.

    The RSS workers were given information at midnight directing them to report at Arya Samaj temple at six in the morning. In the morning 200 RSS workers were present and everyone of them was a student and had come out of their houses to render sacrifices for the country. A prayer meeting was held and later were carried to Badami Bagh cantonment in an Army truck where some soldiers were ready. They quickly taught the young students how to handle the gun. By the evening these youths had reached the battle front. For two days these RSS soldiers stopped the Pakistani troops till the arrival of the Indian Army. Everybody knows about this historical sacrifice but none speaks about it. The Sheikh too knew about it. The same Sheikh who had left behind the people on hearing the news about the Pakistani invasion and fled, alongwith his family members, to Bombay. The Valley was saved first by the RSS workers and then by the Indian Army, not by the fugitive Sheikh.

    Martyrs of Kotli

    By a mistake on the part of the Indian Airforce, boxes of ammunition were dropped on the other side of the Nallah which was within the firing range of Pakistani troops. How to evacuate those boxes ? Who will get them ? If the troops were asked to do it, it would have meant death for them. Who would then fight later ? If the ammunition boxes were not evacuated, the Indian troops could be killed. What to do ?

    There was need for a great sacrifice for evacuating these boxes. The Army commander hit on a plan. He thought that only the RSS youths could do it and accordingly he reached the RSS headquarters at Kotli. Mr. Chander Prakash, Manager of Punjab National Bank, Kotli branch, was the organiser of the Sangh at that time. He listened attentively to the Army commander and told hilm "How many youths are needed" ?

    The Army officer said "eight will do". Chander Prakash had become emotional out of his eagerness to render sacrifice and told the Army officer that he should wait in the office without any worry because he would bring seven youths, eighth being himself, within half an hour.

    Chander Prakashji immediately rushed to the town and Sought names of those who were ready to render sacrifice. More than 30 youths came forward. It was a problem for Mr. Chander Prakash to make a selection out of the 30 youths. He lined all of them and picked up seven youths. It was difficult to make others agree to stay back and ultimately he had to issue his command. For an RSS activist command from his leader is like the command from God. The rest stopped. They bid tearful farewell to their eight comrades. They knew the meaning of this farewell and as such it was a mute farewell.

    Mr. Chander Prakash reached the Army officer with the seven youths within less than half an hour. The eight youths reached the battlefront with the commander. They were informed about the work they had to carry out in evacuating the ammunition boxes without allowing the Pakistani troops to have any idea of it and in bringing those boxes upto the Indian troops. After understanding their job, the eight youths marched forward to their destination.

    While crawling, slipping and stumbling, the eight youths reached the Nallah on whose other bank lay the boxes. The Nallah was full of water with sharp flow. These youths swam fast across the Nallah to reach the goal.

    Each youth picked up one box. One carrying it on the head and the other on his back. Gradually they re-entered the Nallah but could not maintain silence in the water. The sound of their movement reached the Pakistani troops. The result was indiscriminate firing from the machine-guns on them. They were not scared of death because they had come out of their houses in the guise of martyrs. But they had one worry: they wanted to see the boxes reach the hands of the Indian soldiers before the youths were killed. Under the rain of fire, the youths crossed the Nallah and were marching towards the Army camp.

    The rain of bullets turned into torrents. Chander Prakash and Ved Prakash, the two youths, were hit by bullets. Both of them were injured and fell down but there was no time for others to take care of the two. After leaving the two wounded youths there, the six youths marched ahead with boxes on their backs. These youths succeeded in their mission and handed over the ammunition boxes to the Army. They were worried about their two colleagues whom they had left behind. These six youths left for the spot for carrying back the wounded comrades and followed the same route under the rain of bullets. How hazardous it was ? But they were determined as they had great affection for their comrades. They had fulfilled their mission and now their task was to evacuate their two injured comrades. Where shall such an example of mutual love be found ?

    When the six youths left for evacuating their two comrades, the rain of bullets further intensified. They crawled to the place where the two wounded comrades had been left. But they got the bodies of the two comrades. They had achieved martyrdom in the service of their motherland. There was no time to wail and weep. They carried the two bodies on their back and started their trek on the rockey and bushy paths to reach the Army camp.

    But it had become difficult to escape easily from the continuous firing from behind. They had travelled a small distance when one more comrade received two bullets in his ear and became a martyr there and then. His body too was carried by them and marched forward. It was a terrible test for these nationalists: they had to crawl with dead bodies on their back on difficult path and that too under the heavy rain of bullets. They kept on moving and the Army camp was nearby. But nature needed more blood. One more comrade was silenced with a bullet that hit him. His body too was carried by the surviving youths with courage and fortitude.

    It was heart rending scene. The youths returned to their camp. Four returned out of the eight. Each carried a body of the martyrs. All the RSS workers, citizens, mothers and sisters of the Kotli town had waited in tension for the full day. Slogans of "Shaheedoon ki Jai" (respects to Martyrs) and "Bharat Mata ki Jai" (respects to Mother India) rent the sky. People decorated the four bodies with flowers and arrangements for their cremation were made by people weeping and wailing over the loss.

    A big pyre was built outside the town. The four bodies were placed on the pyre with the Army salute and amid the wails, tears and sobs of the people. Women showered flowers on the pyre. The flames of the pyre started kissing the sky. The four, who had carried the bodies to the town, burst into tears. They cried, they wept. The Army authorities directed all to return to their houses immediately. It was getting dark. The Pakistani troops continued firing from the mountain in front.

    The ammunition boxes were opened. The soldier was equipped with ammunition and now our troops too had the ammunition. The Indian troops launched a fierce attack on the Pakistani soldiers like a hungry lion. The heavy attack shook the Pakistani troops. Our soldiers fought chivalrously throughout the night. With the advent of the pink dawn the Indian troops had captured the hillock. Here the pyre of the martyrs was silent and tLere on the hillock the tricolour fluttered.

    Repairs of airfields

    There were no airfields for facilitating the landing of Indian Airforce men. Wherever they existed, they were in a pitiable condition. Not to speak of the planes even people could not walk on those runways. There was need for their quick repair and renovation. But it was not possible to arrange a big force of labourers. Even if thousands of labourers could be arranged it was not possible to pay them their wages in those conditions. There was need for such devoted labourers who would work free of cost for repairing the airfields. Therefore, the eyes of the Army officers and citizens fell on the RSS activists. They knew that the RSS activists were dedicated and sacrificing.

    The matter was discussed with Sangh leaders. Everyone was ready. On receiving the directions, thousands of RSS workers jumped into the field. The repair and the renovation of the airstrips in Srinagar, at Poonch and in Jammu were taken in hand. The work on these airfields was carried out round the clock. Everyday the RSS activists would come out in their shorts to work on the airfields for which the Sangh made arrangement for the tools. The workers would carry food from their houses. After working continuously for several hours these RSS workers would sit together to partake their food and it was lovely sight of love and affection.

    Under their principle of "we shall donate everything to the country and in return we shall not accept anything", these RSS workers gave up their trade. went on leave from the Government services and abandoned their domeotic happiness to work round the clock for making these three airstrips worthy for landing within the stipulated time.

    Remained steadfast against bullets

    In the meantime there was a report indicating that 1200 Hindus and Sikhs had been surrounded by the enemy at Palandhari, 20 kms north-west of Kotli, and.their lives were in danger. The Sangh people, under the leadership of Mr. Kedar Nath Sahni, met the Army authorities requesting them to evacuate 1200 Hindus and Sikhs who were counting the time of death at Palandhari. The Army authorities realised the gravity of the situation but refused to provide any help on the plea that the number of troops they had was even insufficient to protect the town and as such how could they send the soldiers out of the town. And when the Sangh workers insisted by informing the Army officers that a big number of Hindus were counting days of their life, the 'authorities were moved. They agreed to send 31 soldiers under the leadership of one Lieutenant Ishwari Singh and with them went one police inspector, Mr. Hari Singh, and about 100 RSS activists.

    The report about the plan of evacuating people from Palandhari by the Army and the Sangh workers was sent by a Muslim Tehsildar to Zaildar and Nambardar of Sarsave who were Muslims. The twa passed the report to the tribals.

    Next morning 30 Army jawans, 12-15 poiicemen and about 100 RSS activists left for Palandhari under the leadership of Lt. Ishwari Singh. The moment the caravan started climbing the ascent, it came under indiscriminate heavy fire. The enemy had fortified itself on the higher elevations. Since the enemy was equipped with machineguns, mortars and bombs, its attack became fierce.

    Despite being surrounded unexpectedly from all the four sides, the battle lasted for several hours. Not a single Hindu soldier and RSS activists turned back even being in a smaller number than the enemy and despite having meagre weapons and ammunition. Their steps were not shaken despite the roar of the rain of bullets. While killing the enemy troops, they also met death one by one.

    One feels a wave of sacrifice in one's mind while wishing to touch the blood-red soil of Palandhari where the soldiers and the RSS workers shed their blood. Repeated salutes to such brave sacrifices.

    Sheikh's dictatorship and Praja Parishad's agitation

    The pro-Pak and anti-India sentiments of the Sheikh had been exposed in front of the entire world. In the Congress, too, the mistrust against him was increasing. The people of India had become aware of his anti-national and treacherous attempts. But by accepting a plebiscite, Nehru had forged a dangerous agreement with Sheikh Abdullah which was dangerous not only for the integrity of India but had put a question mark on the future of 20 lakh people in Jammu and Ladakh. In comparison to the rest of the country, Kashmir was given a special status. The flag, the constitution etc were made separate for Kashmir. Dr. Shyamaprasad Mookherjee apprised the Parliament of the dangers of this agreement but Nehru did not agree. He even did not think it proper to talk to the peoples' representatives of Jammu and Ladakh.

    When people of Jammu started feeling the impact of this agreement, it gave birth to the embers of a revolt. The RSS workers decided to oppose the Sheikh stoutly after visualising the anti-Hindu stance of the Sheikh. With the slogan of one constitution, one symbol and one leader a new party, named Praja Parished, was formed under the leadership of Pt. Prernnath Dogra to start a powerful but peaceful agitation. Thousands of Sangh activists took to the streets for a sacrifice for the country's integrity and unity. Many leaders and workers of Praja Parishad went to Delhi to apprise the Government of India, members of Parliament and leaders of different political parties of the separatist activities of Sheikh Abdullah. They met also Nehru. But it seemed that he was not prepared to listen to even a word against Sheikh Abdullah. Therefore, Dr. Shyama Prasad took the historical decision of supporting this struggle.

    A powerful Satyagrah was launched in Delhi and Pathankot. RSS workers left their demostic worries and courted arrest. Dr. Shyamaprasad tried to mediate between the Government and leaders of Praja Parishad but failed. According to the words of Mr. A.B. Vajpaye, "Nehru's obduracy made all his (Dr. S. Prasad's) efforts completely unsuccessful. The man who prided in announcing that he would not give a needle-tip land without a fight reminded one of the story of Daryodhana and Nehru refused even to talk to Praja Parishad". And there was no other alternative left for Dr. Mookherjee except for blowing the conch of agitation. In the absence of any agreemnt taking shape he was committed to launch a peaceful satyagrah and agitation in support of the people of Jammu.

    Martyrdom of Dr. Shyamaprasad

    After ensuring peoples' support for the agitation, Dr. Prasad decided to test on the touchstone of Nehru's statement that Kashmir was 100 per cent part of India. In this context he decided to come to Jammu without a permit. While leaving Delhi for a two-day tour of Punjab on May 9, he issued a statement that his purpose of visiting Jammu was not to foment tension and trouble but his aim was to make another bid to resolve the discord through peaceful and honourable means. While commenting on his decision to enter Jammu without a permit he said that as a citizen of India he had the full right to visit any part of the country and since Nehru would say everyday that Kashmir was 100 per cent part of India he had decided to go there without any permit.

    This step of Dr. Mookherjee received powerful appreciation in the entire country. Between Deihi and Pathanot thousands of men and women greeted him at many stations with the slogan "abolish permit system" and he was assured of their support. It was expected that Dr. Prasad would be arrested before reaching Pathankot. But out of the scare of the Supreme Court, the Government allowed him not only to reach Pathankot but also assured that it would not take any step aganist him when he would enter Jammu.

    The Deputy Commissioner of Gurdaspur District, Mr. Vashisht, informed Dr. Prasad at Pathankot that he could visit Jammu without any permit and the Government of India will not create any hurdle in his way. He also informed him that in Jammu Bakshi Ghulam Mohd. would meet him. But when he entered into the Jammu border alongwith his associates, the Kashmir militiamen stopped him on the Ravi bridge. There, the Superintendent of Police, Kathua, directed him not to enter into the state border. Dr. Prasad refused to accept the order and was arrested under the Kashmir Security Act.

    Prior to his arrest he told people, in a message, that "I have entered into Jammu and Kashmir, but in the capacity of a prisoner". His message spread like lightning in the entire country. Satyagrahis, from various corners, started entering into Jammu and Kashmir without permits. With one stroke of Dr. Prasad the artificial wall of permit system between Jammu and Kashmir and the rest of India crumbled and with it Nehru 's lie that Kashmir was 100 per cent part of India stood exposed.

    After his arrest Dr. Mookherjee was taken to Srinagar where on the 43rd day of his detention he was declared dead in mysterious circumstances on June 23.

    Letter of Dr. Shyama Prasad's mother to Nehru

    ".... I know he cannot be brought back to life. But I want to know what role your Government has played in this shocking event 60 that people can know the reasons behind this tragedy in this independent country. Allow justice to take its course while dealing with any crime of an individual, even if he is occupying a high post, so that people are allowed to remain alert against such criminals and there was no scope for any other mother like me to wail and weep over such a type of tragedy."

    Nehru's reply

    "... I have enquired from those people who know the reality. I can say only this much that I stand by truth and there is no mystery around this incident .."

    Yogmaya Devi's reply

    "... I do not want any clarification from you, I want an inquiry. Your arguments are hollow and you are afraid of facing the truth. Remember, you are answerable to the People and God. I treat the Kashmir Government guilty of the murder of my son and I charge it with having killed my son. I hold your Government guilty of concealing the matter and of attempts at manoeuvring ..."

    As a result of the rejection of the demand for an enquiry, people of India raised one voice saying that Dr. Mookherjee was killed. The life of a national leader was finished for achieving hateful political goal.

    Success of Satyagrah

    The Satyagrah was suspended for 13 days after the death of Dr. Mookherjee. In the meantime, Nehru issued a direct appeal requesting people to call offthe Satyagrah. It was for the first time in the history that a direct appeal for calling off the Satyagrah was issued by a ruler. The result of the confabulations was that a decision was taken to end the Satyagrah. On July 7, the agitation was called off on the appeal of Sh. Premnath Dogra and the Government was given an opportunity for changing its policies in arder to ensure integration of Kashmir with India, for which assurance had been given by Nehru, Dr Katju and the Bakshi.

    Whatever Dr. Prasad had said was achieved. The Sheikh was dismissed and arrested. Nehru, by accepting his mistake, expressed his regrets over the evil deeds of Sheikh Abdullah and held talks with the leaders of Praja Parishad. The Kashmir Constituent Assembly adopted a resolution announcing merger of Kashmir with India and the President of India issued a special notification on May 14, 1954 for the implementation of all the clauses of the Delhi Agreement.

शनिवार, 28 मई 2011

Muslim League attack on Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab

This book is intended to reveal the grim and tragic story of the uprooting of more than seven million Hindus and Sikhs from their homes in West Punjab, in the North-Western Frontier Province, in Sind and in raider-occupied Kashmir. The outlines of this story are well-known all over the world, and have formed the subject of debate before the representatives of the major portion of mankind, assembled in the United Nations. This biggest mass migration of humanity in history under extreme duress has received the attention and active sympathy due to it from the rest of India, and the world is keenly aware of the existence of this large portion of uprooted humanity.

What, however, is not very well-known or fully borne in mind is the fact that this tragic migration was the last culminating episode in a conspiracy that had been under planning for more than a decade before it actually occurred – the conspiracy of the Muslim League in India to establish a Muslim State which should not be encumbered with any such non-Muslim populations- as, would be a likely factor in diluting to any extent its purely Muslim character.1 This conspiracy needs being unmasked by recalling the history of the Indian Muslim League over the period in which its inception and maturing occurred-so that responsibility for this tragedy is fixed where it properly belongs.

Muslim League propaganda has sought to blame the Punjab happenings of 1947 on the Sikhs and in a secondary degree on the Hindus. A distorted and fragmentary picture, drawn up with completely bare-faced lying, has been presented to the world of a Sikh “Plan”2 to attack and drive out Muslims from the Punjab. And for a time a part of the world swallowed the lie, and the Sikhs got an unenviable reputation. But the pendulum of opinion slowly swung round in the right direction, and the Sikh name now has been fairly cleared of the supposed crime of a “Plan” against Muslims. That the Sikh (and Hindu) attack on the Muslims in East Punjab was retaliation under terrible and unbearable provocation is now admitted to be a fact by all impartial people; though it is not known everywhere of what horrible nature, of what prolonged duration and diabolical character was the provocation offered to Sikhs by Muslims over a period of several agonizing months-beginning from December, 1946.

There was a war unleashed by the Muslim population of the Punjab to cow down Sikhs, and as a means to that, to carry on among them a total campaign of murder, arson, loot and abduction of women. Sikhs passed through the experience of this war as a people for months; and not thousands, but millions of them were forced to quit their homes for safety in the process. Without a clear knowledge of this part of the story a just and balanced view of the situation cannot be formed.

The details of atrocities committed on Sikhs and Hindus given in these paces are not full or even a fairly large proportion of what actually befell. They are only representative episodes of what happened in a few villages and towns all over West Punjab and other West Pakistan areas. Imagine such things happening in thousands upon thousands of villages and hundreds of towns, and you will then be able to take in the proportions somewhat close to what the reality was-which, in the last analysis must, however, remain inexpressible in its full horror. The facts drawn upon are statements of sufferers of these horrors, recorded from complaints made to the authorities, from reliable press reports and from statements recorded with scrupulous fidelity and signed by those who made them, in the refugee camps in East Punjab.

Sikhs left behind their homes, the richest land in the Punjab, their factories and prosperous businesses, their holy shrines, schools and colleges-all under the pressure of the Pakistan terror, so that according to unbiassed estimates 40% (and these perhaps the most enterprising section of the community) were rendered refugees. They came out of their homes-hammed, despoiled and in unending trudging caravans. This vast human tragedy is too large even for the imagination to take in without the help of facts presented in a telling way.

This record is intended in the first place to rehabilitate the Sikh name, maligned by false propaganda of the leaders and press of Pakistan, and secondly to serve as part of the material for anyone who should set out to write a full history of the Punjab of these terrible 1947 months.


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