Destiny of West Bengal Hindus: The Coming Days of Slavery to Islam

Destiny of West Bengal Hindus: The Coming Days of Slavery to Islam

Creation of a Muslim Bangla in near future

by Dr. Radhasyam Brahmachari.

How fast-breeding Muslims are turning West Bengal (and entire India for that matter) into a Muslim-majority state and signs of the consequences that await its Hindu populations.

The State of West Bengal: West Bengal is a state in eastern India, having Islamic Bangladesh on its eastern border. Geographically West Bengal is on the eastern bottleneck of India, stretching from theHimalayas in the north to the Bay of Bengal in the south. It has a total area of 88,752 square kilometres (34,267 sq mi).

The West Bengal region was part of a number of empires and kingdoms during the past two millennia. The British East India Company consolidated their hold on the region following the Battle of Plassey in 1757, and the city of Calcutta, now Kolkata, served, up to 1911, as the capital of British India. This region was a hotbed of theIndian independence movement through the early 20th century. In 1947, Bengal was divided along religious lines into two separate entities: West Bengal, a state of India, and East Bengal, a part of the new nation of Pakistan (which later became independent Bangladesh in 1971).

West Bengal, the most densely-populated state in India, occupies only 2.7% of the India's land area, but supports over 7.8% of its population. The Figure 1 shows the political map of West Bengal and its 19 districts.

West Bengal suffered from large refugee influx during the partition in 1947, leading to political unrests later on. The partition of Bengal entailed the greatest exodus of people in Human History. Some 3.5 million Hindus migrated from East Pakistan to India, while only 500,000 Muslims crossed border from West Bengal to East Pakistan, although it was Muslims, who demanded a separate Muslim state and created Pakistan. The influx of Hindu refugees created crisis of land and food in West Bengal lasting more than three decades. The politics of West Bengal, since the partition in 1947, has developed round the nucleus of refugee problem. Both the Rightists and the Leftists in politics of West Bengal have not yet become free from the socio-economic conditions created by the partition of Bengal.

Again, the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 resulted in the fresh influx of millions of Hindu refugees to West Bengal, causing significant strain on its infrastructure. West Bengal politics underwent a major change when the Left Front won the 1977 assembly election, defeating the incumbent Indian National Congress. The Left Front, led by Communist Party of India (Marxist), has governed the state for the subsequent three decades. It may be mentioned here that in 1905, anabortive attempt was made by the British Government to divide the province of Bengal into two zones, but the plan was withdrawn in 1911 due to violent opposition by the people of both East and West Bengal.

Dr Shyama Prasad Mookherjee, the creator of West Bengal

As a matter of fact, Shyama Prasad Mookherjee was the creator of the state now called West Bengal. He carved out West Bengal from the then East Pakistan and East Punjab from West Pakistan. He was basically an educationist but the crisis of partition, more pointedly the partition of Bengal, brought him into politics. When the British accepted partition of India and creation of the new Islamic state of Pakistan, it was decided that the state or a Pradesh would be considered the smallest unit. Or in other words, a state with majority Muslim would go to Pakistan and a Hindu majority state would remain in the Indian Republic.

At that time the Bengal Province was a Muslim majority state and hence the entire Bengal was waiting to be included into the Islamic state of Pakistan. But after the massacre of the Hindus by the Muslims in Calcutta and Noakhali in 1946-47, Dr Mookherjee was convinced that it would be devastating for the Hindus, if they continue to live in a Muslim-dominated state and under a government controlled by the Muslim League. It should be mentioned here that most of the districts of East Bengal were Muslim dominated while the districts of western Bengal were dominated by the Hindus. So, Dr Mookherjee demanded that the smallest unit should be a district, not a province.

Similarly, the entire state of Punjab was marked as a Muslim majority state and hence was to be included into Pakistan. But the districts of West Punjab were dominated by the Muslims while in the districts of East Punjab, Hindus and Sikhs were in the majority. Dr Mookherjee argued that the Hindus of the Hindu majority districts of Bengal and Punjab must have their right to self-determination. It was not possible for the British to deny his argument; as a result only the Muslim-dominated districts in eastern Bengal, renamed East Pakistan, went to the new Islamic state of Pakistan, while a new state of West Bengal was formed with the Hindu-dominated districts of Bengal, which remained with India. Likewise, all the Muslim-dominated districts of Punjab, renamed West Pakistan, went to Pakistan, and the Hindu/Sikh-dominated districts were included in the Indian Union as a new state, called East Punjab. The only Muslim majority district that was included into West Bengal, due to geographical reasons, was Murshidabad. And for the similar reason, the Hindu dominated district Khulna was included into East Pakistan.

Table 1 shows the demography in West Bengal, based on census reports of the Government of India from 1951 to 2001. It has been pointed out earlier that only one district, i.e. Murshidabad, was Muslim dominated during the partition in 1947. The Table-1 shows that, according to 1951 census, 44.6 per cent population of Murshidabad were Hindus, and in past 50 years the percentage of Hindus has come down to 35.12 per cent. It also shows that in 1951, the Hindu and Muslim population in the district of Maldah was 62.92 and 36.17 per cent respectively. But after 50 years, i.e. according to 2001 census, Hindu population has declined to 49.28 per cent while the Muslim population has increased to 49.72 per cent, turning it into a Muslim majority district. Another district that has become a Muslim majority district is North Dinajpur. In 1981, the Hindu and Muslim population in the district were 54.20 and 45.35 per cent, respectively. In 2001, Hindu population has declined to 51.72 per cent, while the Muslim population has increased to 47.36 per cent. At present, it has become a Muslim-majority district.

The Table also shows that in all the districts, except Coochbihar, Hindu population is declining and Muslim population is rising. There are mainly three factors for this explosion of Muslim population.

• Firstly, planned and deliberate rejection of family-planning measures by the Muslims;
• Secondly, the uncontrolled influx of illegal Bangladeshi Muslim infiltrators through the porous Indo-Bangladesh border; and,
• Thirdly, through conversion of Hindus to Islam
  
  

So far the first reason is concerned, it is necessary for the government to impose strict family planning measures upon Muslims. But no government has so far tried to take such a step over fears of earning their displeasure, thus, loosing their votes. Similarly, no government has ever taken any step towards halting the influx of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. On the contrary, every political party, hoping to swell their vote-bank, is inviting Bangladeshi immigrants and assisting them to obtain Indian citizenship.

Notably, illegal Bangladeshi intruders are not affecting West Bengal alone, but are also fast altering the demography of the neighbouring states of Bihar and Assam. According to estimates of the police and CID departments, nearly 30 million Bangladeshi Muslims have entered West Bengal, Bihar and Assam. As a result, three bordering districts Bihar, namely Kishanganj, Araria and Katihar, and seven districts of Assam, namely Dhubri, Goalpara, Barpeta, Naogaon, Morigaon, Hailakandi and Karimganj, have turned into Muslim-majority districts.

Alarmingly, as the bordering villages of West Bengal, Bihar and Assam become Muslim dominated, they are being utilized as springboards by the jihadi terrorists and ISI agents. Moreover, mosques and madrasas are mushrooming in these districts, and Hindus are being evicted from their ancestral homes under threats and violence. The life and dignity of the Hindus and the honour of their women are no longer safe in those bordering villages.

Table 1: Change of Demography in West Bengal

District	Year	Hindu	Decreased	Muslim	Increased
Darjeeling	1951 2001	81.71 76.92	- 4.79	1.14 5.31	+ 4.17
Jalpaiguri	1951 2001	84.18 83.30	- 0.88	9.74 10.85	+ 1.11
Coochbihar	1951 2001	70.09 75.50	+ 4.60	28.94 24.24	- 4.7
North Dinajpur	1981 2001	54.20 51.72	- 2.48	45.35 47.36	+ 2.01
South Dinajpur	1981 2001	75.32 74.01	- 1.31	23.51 24.02	+ 0.51
Maldah	1951 2001	62.92 49.28	- 13.64	36.17 49.72	+ 12.75
Murshidabad	1951 2001	44.60 35.12	- 8.68	55.24 63.67	+ 8.43
Birbhum	1951 2001	72.60 64.69	- 7.91	26.86 35.08	+ 4.22
Bardhaman	1951 2001	83.73 78.89	- 4.84	15.60 19.78	+ 4.18
Nadia	1951 2001	77.03 73.75	- 3.28	22.36 25.41	+ 3.05
North 24 parganas	1971 2001	77.26 75.23	- 2.03	22.43 24.22	+ 1.79
South 24 Parganas	1971 2001	72.96 65.86	- 7.1	26.05 33.24	+ 7.19
Hooghly	1951 2001	86.52 83.63	- 2.89	13.27 15.14	+ 1.87
Bankura	1951 2001	91.16 84.35	- 6.81	04.4 7.51	+ 3.11
Purulia	1961 2001	93.13 83.42	- 9.71	05.99 07.12	+ 1.13
Medinipur	1951 2001	91.78 85.58	- 6.20	07.17 11.33	+ 4.16
Howrah	1951 2001	83.45 74.98	- 8.47	16.22 24.44	+ 8.22
Kolkata	1951 2001	83.41 77.68	- 5.73	12.00 20.27	+ 8.27
West Bengal	1951 2001	78.45 72.47	- 5.98	19.85 25.25	+ 5.4

(Source: Census Report 1951, 1961, 1971, 1981and 2001)

Figure 2: Decline of Hindu Population in West Bengal (Courtesy: Mohit Ray)

As pointed out above (see Table 1), Hindu population is in decline in all the districts of West Bengal, except Coochbihar, while Figure 2 illustrates the pace of this decline between 1951 and 2001. In 1991, Hindus constituted 75% of West Bengal population, which will come down to 70% in 2011. In 2034, the Hindu population will decline to 60%, and in 2051, it will dwindle to about 52%. In other words, entire West Bengal will become a Muslim-majority state in the next 40 years.

It is needless to say that, as soon as the Muslim population would rise to 40% in 2034, it would be difficult for the Hindus to live in peace in the state. Secret IB report tells that Muslims will claim the land on the eastern side of River Hooghly as an Islamic state or a part of greater Bangladesh. In such a situation, there will remain two options before the Hindus: either to accept Islam or to become refugee again and flee their homes to other parts of India to save their lives, dignity and religious faith.

Table 2: District-wise Hindu and Muslim Population in West Bengal

District	Religion	Percentage of Population	Percentage of Population of Children (0-6 yr old)
Darjeeling	Hindu Muslim	76.92 05.31	76.19 08.26
Jalpaiguri	Hindu Muslim	83.30 10.85	80.45 13.81
Coochbihar	Hindu Muslim	75.50 24.24	69.82 29.98
North Dinajpur	Hindu Muslim	51.72 47.36	43.19 55.93
South Dinajpur	Hindu Muslim	74.01 24.02	69.40 28.35
Maldah	Hindu Muslim	49.28 49.72	43.01 56.08
Murshidabad	Hindu Muslim	35.92 63.67	29.35 70.27
Birbhum	Hindu Muslim	64.49 35.08	58.42 41.15
Bardhaman	Hindu Muslim	78.89 19.78	75.03 23.62
Nadia	Hindu Muslim	73.75 25.41	66.71 32.55
North 24 Parganas	Hindu Muslim	75.23 24.22	65.52 34.01
South 24 Parganas	Hindu Muslim	65.86 33.24	55.41 43.85
Hooghly	Hindu Muslim	83.63 15.14	78.94 19.53
Bankura	Hindu Muslim	84.35 07.51	81.83 10.09
Purulia	Hindu Muslim	83.42 07.12	81.62 09.26
Medinipur	Hindu Muslim	85.58 11.33	81.36 15.36
Howrah	Hindu Muslim	74.98 24.44	64.81 34.68
Kolkata	Hindu Muslim	77.68 20.27	70.24 27.81
West Bengal	Hindu Muslim	72.47 25.25	64.61 33.17

(Source: Census Report, 2001)

Many apprehend that Hindus will be outnumbered by Muslims much earlier than the projection presented above, due to the fact that population of Muslim children is much higher than the population adults, as presented in Table 2. Particularly in the districts of North Dinajpur, North and South 24 Parganas, the population of Muslim children is much higher than the population of adult Muslims. As mentioned earlier, North Dinajpur has already become a Muslim majority district, while high Muslim children population in North and South 24 Parganas suggests that these two districts are on the way to becoming Muslim-majority districts.

It should be pointed out here that the swelling of Muslim population is not confined to West Bengal and Assam alone, but is an all-India affair. Table 3 shows how the Hindu populations are declining and Muslim populations rising throughout India. If continue unchecked, entire India may turn into a Muslim-dominant country in 5 to 6 decades. So, what the 800-year Muslim rule could not achieve with the help of sword would be achieved simply through unrestrained breeding, i.e. using the wombs of Muslim women as the weapon. Table 4 presents the state-wise Muslim populations of India. Table 5, below, shows the state-wise increase of Muslim and Hindu populations during the decade 1991-2001.

Table 3: Religious Composition of India’s Population, 1991–2001, (in percentage)

Year	Indian Religionists	Muslim	Christian
1901	86.64	12.21	1.15
1941	84.44	13.38	2.18
1951	87.24	10.43	2.33
1991	85.01	12.59	2.32
2001	67.56	30.38	2.06

(Source: Religious Demography of India by A P Joshi, M D Srinivas and J K Bajaj, 2003)

Table 4: Muslim population in Indian states.

State	Population	Percentage
Lakshadweep	57,903	95.47
Jammu & Kashmir	6,793,240	66.97
Assam	8,240,611	30.92
West Bengal	20,240,543	25.25
Kerala	7,863,842	24.70
Uttar Pradesh	30,740,158	18.49
Bihar	13,722,048	16.53
Jharkhand	3,731,308	13.85
Karnataka	6,463,127	12.23
Uttaranchal	1,012,141	11.92
Delhi	1,623,520	11.72
Maharastra	10,270,485	10.60
Andhra Pradesh	6,986,856	09.17
Gujarat	4,592,854	09.06
Manipur	190,939	08.81
Rajasthan	4,788,227	08.47
Andaman & Nicobar Islands	29,265	08.22
Tripura	254,442	07.95
Daman & Diu	12,281	07.76
Goa	92,210	06.84
Madhya Pradesh	3,841,449	06.37
Pondicherry	59.358	06.09
Haryana	1,222,916	05.78
Tamil Nadu	3,470,647	05.56
Meghalaya	99,169	04.28
Chandigarh	35,548	03.95
Dadra & Nagar Haveli	6,524	02.96
Orissa	761,985	02.07
Chhattisgarh	409,615	01.97
Himachal Pradesh	119,512	01.97
Arunachal Pradesh	20,675	01.88
Nagaland	35,005	01.76
Punjab	382,045	01.57
Sikkim	7,693	01.42

(Source: Census Report, 2001)

Table 5: Increase of Hindu and Muslim Population, 1991 to 2001

State	Hindu (%)	Muslim (%)
West Bengal	14.2	25.9
Assam	14.9	29.3
Bihar (including Jhharkhand)	23.4	36.5
Delhi	44.1	82.5
Haryana	27.0	60.1
Punjab	28.7	59.6
Rajasthan	27.8	35.8
Himachal Pradesh	17.0	32.9
Jammu & Kashmir	24.7	29.5
Uttar Pradesh (including Uttarakhand)	24.2	31.7
Madhya Pradesh	21.7	29.5
Gujarat	22.1	27.3
Maharastra	21.6	34.6
Orissa	15.9	31.9
Karnataka	15.3	23.5
Andhra Pradesh	14.4	17.9
Tamilnadu	11.0	13.7
Kerala	07.3	15.8
India	19.3	29.5

(Source: Economic & Political Weekly, September 25. 2004)

After the partition of Bengal in 1947, Hindus from East Pakistan—fleeing Muslim persecutions, including violence, rapes and forced conversion—came to West Bengal as paupers to save their lives and faith, and honor of their women. But next time, when the West Bengal is Islamized, they would have no place to go. It would be devastating for the Hindus of West Bengal. They would have either to embrace Islam, live as degraded dhimmis or drown themselves in the waters of Bay of Bengal.

As mentioned earlier, in the districts of West Bengal, bordering Islamic Bangladesh, where Muslims have already gained majority due influx of Bangladeshi Muslims, have been turned into mini-Pakistans, where jihad against the Hindus have already begun. It is becoming, day by day, difficult for the Hindus to live peacefully in those areas. Their life and property is becoming unsafe. Forceful eviction of the Hindus, looting their properties, raping and molestation of their women folk are becoming a daily occurrences.

Such incidents are not confined to the border districts alone, but also in isolated pockets of other districts, where Muslims may have gained majority. In the districts of North and South 24 Parganas, there are many such pockets where the Muslims have unleashed their jihadi activities against the Hindus.

गोधरा पर निर्णय-धर्मनिरपेक्ष साजिशों का भण्डाफोड़

आज से नौ वर्षों पूर्व गुजरात के गोधरा रेलवे स्टेशन पर साबरमती एक्सप्रेस की एस-6 बोगी में धटी वीभत्स हृदय विदारक घटना पर सर्वोच्च न्यायालय द्वारा रोक हटाये जाने के बाद आखिरकार विशेष अदालत ने अपना निर्णय सुना ही दिया।

अयोध्या के विवादित स्थल पर निर्णय सुनाये जाने के बाद यह देश का ऐसा महत्वपूर्ण निर्णय था जिस पर पूरे देश की निगाहें लगी हुई थी। अहमदाबाद की विशेष अदालत ने साबरमती काण्ड को एक गहरी साजिश मानते हुए 11 अभियुक्तों को सजा – ए -मौत तथा 20 अभियुक्तों को आजीवन कारावास की सजा सुनायी है। विशेष अदालत ने 1983 में सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने जो यह व्यवस्था दी थी कि फांसी की सजा दुर्लभ से भी दुर्लभतम श्रेणी के तहत दी जानी चाहिए का अनुपालन करते हुए 11 प्रमुख अभियुक्तों अब्दुल रज्जाक कुक्कूर, बिलाल इस्माइल उर्फ बिलाल हाजी, रमजारी बिनयामीन बहरा, हसन अहमद चरखा उर्फ लालू, जाबर बिरयामीन बहरा, महबूब खालिद चंद्रा, सलीम उर्फ सलमान चंद्रा, सिराज मुहम्मद मेड़ा उर्फ बाला, इरफान कलंदर उर्फ इरफान भोपो, इरफान मोहम्मद पाटलिया व महबूब हसन उर्फ लती को फांसी की सजा सुनायी है। वहीं 20 अन्य अभियुक्तों को आजीवन कारावास की सजा सुनायी है। देश के न्यायिक इतिहास में ंऐसा पहली बार हुआ है कि इतने बड़े अपराध में 31 मिनट में 31 अभियुक्तों को एक साथ सजा सुनायी गयी। हालांकि अभी यह प्रकरण 90 दिनों के बाद हाईकोर्ट जाएगा व फिर सर्वोच्च न्यायालय होते हुए राष्ट्रपति भवन तक का सफर दया याचिका के माध्यम से लम्बा सफर तय करेगा। अतः पुरा मामला अभी काफी लम्बा चलेगा। हिंदू विरोधी व मुस्लिम तुष्टिकरण में लगे तथाकथित धर्मनिरपेक्ष दलों व वामपंथी लेखकों को अयोध्या निर्णय की तरह यह निर्णय भी अच्छा नहीं लग रह है। अदालत ने साबरमती काण्ड को एक सुनियोजित साजिश बताकर उन धर्मनिरपेक्ष नेताओं विशेष रूप से पूर्व केंद्रीय रेल मंत्री लालू प्रसाद यादव सरीखे नेताओं की बोलती तो अवश्य बंद ही कर दिया है जिन्होने अपनी हिंदू विरोधी मानसिकता के चलते व मात्र मुसलमानों को प्रसन्न करने के लिए तथा निरापराध हिंदुओं के साथ हुए अन्याय को नजरांदाज करते हुए 4 सितम्बर, 2004 को सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के पूर्व जज यू सी बनर्जी के नेतृत्व में एक कमेटी का गठन कर दिया जिसने 12 जनवरी, 2005 को प्रस्तुत अपनी रिपोर्ट में कहा कि ,साबरमती एक्सप्रेस की एस – 6 बोगी में आग जानबूझकर किसी षड्यंत्र के तहत नहीं लगायी गयी। यह रिपोर्ट पूरी तरह से नानावटी आयोग के निष्कर्षों के विपरीत थी क्योकि नानावटी आयोग का मत था कि, यह पूरी घटना एक साजिश थी।आज यही कारण है कि हिंदू विरोधी मानसिकता के चलते लालू प्रसाद यादव बिहार की जनता की नजरों में अछूत हो गये हैं। उन्होंने सोचा था कि निरापराध हिंदुओं की हत्या के षड़यंत्रों में मुसलमानों को बचाकर वे बिहार की सत्ता का सुख भोग लेंगे लेकिन यह दिवास्वप्न ही रह गया। गोधरा काण्ड व उसके बाद भड़के दंगों को लेकर देश के तथाकथित सेक्यूलरों व मानवाधिकारियों ने जिस प्रकार से अपनी विकृत मानसिकता के आंसू बहाए अब उक्त निर्णय से उनके आंसुओं का पर्दाफाश हो चुका है। विशेष अदालत का निर्णय उन लोगों के लिए गहरा आघात है जो उक्त निर्मम व दुर्लभतम धृणित हत्याकाण्ड को महज राजनैतिक स्वार्थों के चलते इस बर्बर दुर्घटना को मात्र घटना करार दे रहे थे। अतः वे सभी राजनैतिक दल व्यक्ति व संगठन भी उस घटना के उतने ही बड़े आरोपी हैं जो कि उक्त घटना के आरोपियों को बचाने का घृणित खेल खेल रहे थे। यह हत्याकाण्ड आजादी के बाद देश का ऐसा शर्मनाक हत्याकाण्ड था जिसने मानवता को हिला कर रख दिया था लेकिन उसके बाद की राजनैतिक घटनाओं ने तो देश को और भी बुरी तरह से झकझोर दिया। भारतीय संविधान व धर्मनिरपेक्षता के रक्षकों ने भी अपनी सारी मर्यादाएं तोड़ दी तथा उन्हें पूरी घटनाओं में केवल एक ही व्यक्ति पर सारा दोष नजर आया वह थे नरेंद्र मोदी। लेकिन सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने गोधराकाण्ड के फैसले पर लगी रोक हटाकर उक्त सभी लोगों की राजनीति पर ब्रेक लगा दी है। लेकिन वे लोग अब भी अपने घृणित कारनामों से पीछे नहीं हटने वाले। वामपंथी विचारधारा के लेखको ने उक्त निर्णय की आलोचना करते हुए अपनी लेखनी उठा ली है तथा ऐसे लेखक न्यायपालिका की निष्पक्षता पर भी प्रश्नचिन्ह उठाने लगे हैं । ऐसे लेखकों, मानवाधिकारियों व सेकुलरिस्टों को हिंदुओं के साथ घटी घटना महज कल्पना लगती है। पता नहीं क्यों ऐसे लोग अपने आप को हिंदू लिख रहे हैं। सवतंत्र भारत में अंग्रेजी मानसिकता से वशीभूत लोग ही हिंदूओं व मुसलमानों के बीच उत्पन्न होती सामाजिक समरसता को ध्वंस करने का षड़यंत्र करते हैं व फिर कोई घटना घटित होने पर विकृत रूप से अपने खेल में लग जाते हैं। आज धन्य हैं वे लोग जिन्होंने गोधरा को लेकर अपने अधिकारों के लिए लड़ाई लड़ी और आज उक्त दुर्लभतम ऐतिहासिक हत्याकाण्ड पर न्याय का मार्ग प्रशस्त हुआ है। आज वे सभी लोग भी उक्त हत्याकाण्ड में उतने ही दोषी हैं जो कि येन केन प्रकारेण उसे दुर्घटना करार दे रहे थे। यह निर्णय उन लोगों को भी करारा जबाब है।अतः वे सभी लोग भी लोकतांत्रिक ढंग से सजा के हकदार हैं जो उस वीभत्स घटना पर वोटबैंक की राजनीति कर रहे थे। रही बात गोधरा काण्ड के बाद भड़के दंगों की तो उसके पीछे एक बडा महत्वपूर्ण कारण यह भी है कि उस समय तथाकथित सेक्यूलर मीडिया ने उक्त वीभत्स घटना को दरकिनार करके बेहद पक्षपातपूर्ण ढंग से घटनाओं का प्रकाशन-प्रसारण किया था जिसके कारण भी वहां पर तनाव बढ़ा। अतः अब चूंकि पूरा मामला न्यायपालिका में गति पकड़ चुका है तो अब इस प्रकार की घटनाओं पर विकृत राजनीति बंद होनी चाहिए तथा आशा की जानी चाहिए की अन्ततः जीत सत्य व न्याय की होगी।

मुंबई में घुसपैठ – एक आक्रमण

क्या बंग्लादेशियों से भारत के अनेक नगरों व सीमावर्ती क्षेत्रों में अरसे से योजनाबध्द रूप से होने वाली घुसपैठ पर हमारी राजनीतिक उपेक्षा नए जनसांख्यिक दबाव डालकर असम को मुस्लिम बहुल प्रदेश बना सकती है और हमारे महानगरों को भी असुरक्षित बना देगी? सारे देश में ये घुसपैठिए जैसे-जैसे फैलते जा रहे हैं, हमारी सरकार व राजनेताओं का ढुलमुल रवैया, ऐसा प्रतीत होता है, अपने वोट बैंक बढ़ाने के कारण उन्हें भारत का नागरिक बनाने हेतु भी सक्रिय है। एक आंकड़े के अनुसार लगभग 3 करोड़ से अधिक बंग्लादेशी देश में अवैध रूप से घुसे हैं और यह सिलसिला आज भी चल रहा है। सर्वाधिक शर्मनाक बात यह है कि इस पूरी-गैर कानूनी प्रक्रिया में हमारे अनेक राजनीतिकबाज और बुध्दिजीवी उनके मानवीय संघर्ष और अच्छी जिंदगी की ललक के नाम पर इसे तर्क-सम्मत ठहरा रहे हैं और इस बात को अनदेखा कर रहे हैं कि आतंकवादी संगठन उन्हें मोहरों की तरह प्रयुक्त करते हैं। क्या विश्व के किसी भी देश में, जानने पर भी क्या किसी देश की विदेशी नागरिक को एक दिन के लिए भी रहने दिया जा सकता है? यह विडंबना है कि आज भी इस व्यापक अवैध घुसपैठ में सरकारी संगठन और व्यवस्था स्वयं आंखों पर पट्टी बांधने को तैयार हैं। चाहे आसाम का करीमगंज हो या बिहार का किशनगंज इनकी जनसंख्या का दबाव व घनत्व स्पष्ट हैं। एक आकलन के अनुसार ये अवैध बंग्लादेशी पूर्वोत्तर भारत के लगभग 20 लोकसभा क्षेत्र तथा 100 विधान सभा क्षेत्रों के चुनाव परिणामों को प्रभावित कर सकते हैं। यहां के सामाजिक जीवन को भी ये विदेशी नागरिक प्रदूषित कर रहे हैं। उग्रवादियों से मिलकर वे बड़ी आसानी से पाकिस्तानी मुद्रित भारतीय मुद्रा और हथियार भेजते रहते हैं। सरकार तो इतनी असहाय और मूकदर्शक सी बनी हुई है कि उन्हें विदेशी नागरिकों के अधिनियम के अंतर्गत नोटिस भी नहीं दिए जाते हैं। सरकार की दृष्टि में सीमाबंद करना या बाड़ लगाकर अवैध घुसपैठ की समस्या हल की जा सकती है। पर न राजनैतिक इच्छाशक्ति है और न ही भौगोलिक दृष्टि से सीमा बंद करने का समाधान और इसलिए शायद हम कुछ कर सकेंगे जब तक पानी सिर से ऊपर न हो जाए।

हाल में बंग्लादेश से मुंबई तक के अवैध सफर की प्रक्रि्रया और इस महानगर पर पड़नेवाले संभावित खतरे का आकलन एक सर्वेक्षण में किया गया था। उसी का सारांश देने का प्रयास किया गया है। मुंबई में आनेवाले 90 प्रतिशत से अधिक बंग्लादेशी यहां पहले से रह रहे बंग्लादेशी, उनसे जुड़े दलालों और भ्रष्ट शासन के सहयोग से आकर अपनी रिश्वत देने की क्षमता के कारण राशनकार्ड अथवा पहचान-पत्र आदि बनवाने में भी सफल हो जाते हैं। उनकी प्रारंभिक यात्रा दलालों के संपर्क से जैसे ही वे पश्चिम बंगाल की सीमा में पहुंचते है, हावड़ा स्टेशन से सीधे मुंबई आनेवाली ट्रेनों में सवार होकर थाणे या क्षत्रपति शिवाजी टर्मिनल के लिए रवान होने से शुरू होती है।

मुंबई में रह रहे कई बंग्लादेशियों ने पुलिस को बताया कि दलाल प्रति व्यक्ति 2.5 हजार रूपये लेता है। यह रेट हाल ही में बढ़ा है। पहले दो हजार था। दलाल एक अकेले व्यक्ति की बजाय ज्यादा से ज्यादा लोगों को ले जाना पसंद करता है। ज्यादा लोग ज्यादा दलाली। सात से आठ साल की कम उम्र के बच्चों का कोई पैसा नहीं लगता क्योंकि इनका ट्रेन टिकट नहीं लगता। अपने बार्डर पर यह दलाल पहले बंग्लादेशी राईफल्स को 600 रूपये देता है। इसके बाद हीं बंग्लादेशी बॉर्डर पार करने दिया जाता है। अपने संपर्कों का इस्तेमाल कर वह इन लोगों को सीमा पार करवाने में कामयाब हो जाता है। भारत में पहुचकर स्थानीय बसों द्वारा ये लोग हावड़ा तक पहुंचते हैं। यहां से ये मुंबई आने वाली ट्रेनों में सवार हो जाते हैं। मुंबई पहुचकर दलाल इन लोगों को ऐसे इलाकों तक पहुंचा देता है जहां पहले से ही बंग्लादेशी मुस्लिम बहुल इलाके में होते हैं। पहले से बसे ये बंग्लादेशी नए आये लोगों को रोजगार दिलवाने में पूरी मदद करते हैं। जिन इलाकों में बंग्लादेशी रहते हैं वहां दलाल नियमित रूप से चक्कर लगाते रहते हैं ताकि जिन्हें वापस जाना हो उनको दलाल आसानी से मिल जाए। बंग्लादेश से मुंबई तक के पूरे सफर के दौरान ये दलाल लगातार इनके साथ ही रहता है। एक और दलाल है जो इनके द्वारा यहां कमाए हुए रूपये इनके घर(बंग्लादेश)तक पहुंचाता है। किसी तरह की मुसीबत पड़ने पर ये दलाल इनके घरों से पैसा यहां तक पहुंचाते हैं। ये पूरा लेन-देन हवाला के जरिए संपन्न होता है। हवाला की जरूरत इसलिए पड़ती है क्योंकि ये गैर-कानूनी बांग्लादेशी भारत के किसी भी बैंक में खाता नहीं खुलवा सकते। हवाला की प्रक्रिया इतनी मजबूत और तीव्र है कि मुंबई से बंग्लादेश या बंग्लादेश से मुंबई यह पैसा केवल 10 मिनट में पहुंच जाता है।

नई दिल्ली में ‘राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा’ विषय पर कई वर्ष पहले हुए सम्मेलन में महाराष्ट्र के पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री विलासराव देशमुख ने प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह का ध्यान महाराष्ट्र में बढ़ रही बंग्लादेशियों की जनसंख्या की ओर खींचने का पूरा प्रयास किया था ऐसा करते हुए उन्होंने कहा कि जिस तरह हमें आतंकवादी और आई.एस.आई के एजेंटों की गतिविधियों पर पूरा ध्यान देना चाहिए(जो मौका मिलते ही देश की आर्थिक राजधानी को निशाना बनाते हैं) उसी तरह हमें बंग्लादेशियों के मसले को नजर-अंदाज नहीं करना चाहिए। मुख्यमंत्री ने केंद्र सरकार से इस मसले पर गुहार लगाई थी। इसी तरह महाराष्ट्र के पूर्व उप मुख्यमंत्री आर. आर. पाटिल ने भी डांस बारों का बंद कराना जायज ठहराया था और सफाई दी थी कि इन बारों में अधिकांशतः बांग्लादेशी लड़कियां काम करती है। भाजपा चाहती है कि केंद्र सरकार इस समस्या को हल करने हेतु कोई ठोस कदम उठाये हालांकि कांग्रेस पार्टी की प्रतिक्रिया मिली जुली रही है। कांग्रेस के अधिक तर नेता बांग्लादेशी समस्या से वाकिफ हैं पर कुछ ऐसे नेता भी हैं जिनका मानना है कि इससे पार्टी की छवि अल्पसंख्यकों में खासतौर पर मुसलमानों में खराब होगी।

महाराष्ट्र में बांग्लादेशियों की धरपकड़ सिर्फ सांकेतिक और सतही रही है। यद्यपि उनसे खतरे से वे अवगत हैं। महाराष्ट्र गृह मंत्रालय ने बताया कि वर्ष 2004 में मुंबई में सिर्फ 626 बंग्लादेशी पक ड़े गये थे। स्पेशल ब्रांच के आंकड़े बताते हैं कि पिछले 10 सालों में मात्र 5 हजार बांग्लादेशियों को पकड़कर वापस बांग्लादेश भेज दिया गया था। सन् 1995 से 2007 तक मात्र एक हजार के आसपास बांग्लादेशी पकड़े गये थे। इसमें सर्वाधिक संख्या 897 बांग्लादेशियों को 1996 में पकड़ा गया था और न्यूनतम संख्या में 266 को 2001 में पकड़ा था। कुछ समय पहले पुलिस ने भांयखाला स्टेशन से पकड़ा था इसमें से अधिकांश को वे बांग्लादेश लौटाने का दावा करते हैं पर तुरंत बाद उनमें से ही अनेक और दूसरे अनेक बांग्लादेशी बेहिचक फिर मुंबई, ठाणे व पूणे आ जाते हैं।

कुछ प्रसिध्द सक्रिय समाजसेवी हैं, उन्होंने बताया कि इनकी बढ़ती आबादी के खिलाफ सत्ता में कांग्रेस तथा एनसीपी ने आवाज उठाई है। शिवसेना तो समय-समय पर बोलती ही है। बांग्लादेशी उन जगहों को अपना अड्डा बनाते हैं जहां मुसलमान समुदाय की आबादी अधिक होती है। तो क्या इसका मतलब है कि बांग्लादेशियों क ो भारतीय मुसलमान शरण दे रहे हैं? लेकिन यह भी सच है कि लोकशाही में भ्रमों को ज्यादा और सच्चाई को कम महत्व मिलता है। इस बात का बोध हमारे नेता मंत्रियों को सबसे ज्यादा हैं जिस तरह शिवसेना सुप्रीमो बाल ठाकरे, मनसे नेता राज ठाक रे के साथ मुख्यमंत्री विलासराव देशमुख मुंबई में स्वयं बांग्लादेशियों के खिलाफ औपचारिक बयानबाजी करते हैं पर लगता है कुछ करना नहीं चाहते। इनके कारण देश में इनकी भीड़ लगातार बढ़ रही है। हालांकि ऐसा कहीं होता हुआ नजर नहीं आता लेकिन हमारी चिंता करने वाले नेताओं को साफ नजर आता है। ऑफिशियल रिकॉर्ड बताते हैं कि सन् 2004 में 626 बांग्लादेशी मुंबई में थे। मुंबई की 1 करोड़ की आबादी सिर्फ 626 बांग्लादेशी? और नेताओं की मानें तो यह संख्या बहुत ही खतरनाक है। दरअसल, सच्चाई यह है कि बांग्लादेशी तो नहीं लेकिन हमारे भ्रष्ट सरकारी अधिकारी देश के लिए असली खतरा हैं ।

आज मुंबई की सन् 2006 में पश्चिमी रेलवे के सीरियल बम विस्फाेंटों की शृंखला को लोग भूल चुके हैं पर उसमें भी उस समय के समाचार पत्रों में बांग्लादेशी आतंकवादियों की बात उठी थी। 11 जुलाई, 2006 को मुंबई की लोकल ट्रेन में हुए बम विस्फोटों में लगभग 200 लोगों की जान चली गई थी। कहते हैं कि इन विस्फोटों में बांग्लादेशी आतंकवादियों का भी हाथ था। मुंबई पुलिस एंटी-टेरेरिस्ट स्क्वॉयड के प्रमुख के. पी. रघुबंशी ने बताया था कि कई बांग्लादेशी नागरिक कानूनी तौर पर भारत घूमने आते हैं और फिर अचानक गायब हो जाते हैं ओर फिर उनका कोई सुराग नहीं मिलता। इन्होंने यह भी बताया था कि 11 जुलाई बम विस्फोट की तफतीश में पकड़े गए कमल अंसारी और मोहम्मद मजीन ने आतंकवदियों को भारत-बंग्लादेश बॉर्डर पार कराकर मुंबई तक पहुंचाया था। इन्हीं आतंकवादियों का हाथ 11 जुलाई के बम विस्फोटों में भी था।

मुंबई में झोपड़ी का फैलाव एक नासूर है। यहां झोपड़ियों की समस्या इतनी जटिल है कि आजादी के बाद से आज तक कोई भी सरकार इसे खत्म नहीं कर सकी है। ऐसे में गैर-कानूनी तौर पर रह रहे बांग्लादेशियों के लिए झोपड़पटि्टयां फायदे का सौदा साबित होता है। जिन लोगों ने सरकारी और निजी जमीन पर कब्जा करके 1995 से पहले झोपड़ियां बनाई थी उन लोगों को वहां से हटाकर सरकार पुनर्वसन करने की तैयारी में रहती है। इन जगहों पर एक बड़ा प्रतिशत बांग्लादेशी रहता है। गैर-कानूनी ढंग से रहने वाले बांग्लादेशियों के जिन ठिकानों पर छापे पड़े थे उनमें डोंगरी, पायधुनी, मस्जिद रोड, चीता कैं प, ट्रांबे, लालभाटी और वडाला मुख्य थे पर हाल में नए दर्जनों स्थानों का नाम भी लिया जा रहा हैं। जिनमें उत्तर-पूर्वी मुंबई के एकता नगर, चिखलवाड़ी, साईबाबा नगर, गोंवडी और मानखुर्द भी है।

केंद्र जानता है कि जो स्थिति मुंबई में है, अवैध बांग्लादेशी कि उपस्थिति दूसरे प्रांतों में उससे कहीं बुरी है। भारत और बांग्लादेशी के बीच करीब 1600 कि. मी. की खुली सीमा है। समुद्री सीमा भी बांग्लादेश के साथ लगती है। बांग्लादेश के अलावा पश्चिम में बंगाल की सीमा नेपाल, भूटान और सिक्किम से भी सटी हुई है। उत्तर पूर्व के भारत विरोधी तत्वों को हथियार प्राप्त करने के लिए यह सुरक्षित अभयारण्य है। इस चौराहे पर पशु तस्कर, आई. एस. आई. एजेंट, हथियारों के सौदागर, मादक पदार्थों और जाली नोटों के तस्कारों के साथ-साथ आतंकवादियों की सरगर्मी भी चलती रहती है। बिहार, नेपाल सीमा के दोनों ओर मुस्लिम जनसांख्यिक दबाव स्पष्ट है और रक्सौल, जयनगर, निर्मली, पूर्णिया, किशनगंज तथा जोगबनी, अटरिया, कटिहार आदि जगह में नए मुस्लिम पाकेट बन चुके हैं। वहां के स्थानीय प्रशासन द्वारा स्वीकार किया जा चुका हैं कि वहां कुल 15 लाख बंग्लादेशी मुसलमान बस गए हैं। उनके संबंध महानगरों के कई आपराधिक संगठनों से भी जुड़ते जा रहे हैं। एक ओर तुष्टीकरण की नीति तो दूसरी ओर वोटबैंक की लोलुपता ने आज भी राजनीतिबाजों की आंखों पर पटि्टयां बांध दी हैं।

THE STORY OF RUDRAMAHÃLAYA,

In order to understand fully the meaning of what was exposed at Sidhpur and the strife it caused, we have to know what the Rudramahãlaya was, how it came to be built at Sidhpur and how a Jãmi‘ Masjid was raised on its site and from its debris. The Report of the Minorities’ Commission provides some historical background. So does the Note from the Government of Gujarat. But the information is meagre and leaves a lot to be told. Both of them were dealing with a “communal problem” and were not expected to give a detailed history of Sidhpur, the Rudramahãlaya and the Jãmi‘ Masjid.

Sidhpur

The Note from the Government of Gujarat gives no information about the historical or religious importance of Sidhpur. The Report of the Minorities’ Commission says that “Sidhpur is a historical town” and that “it was ruled successively by Hindu Rajas and Muslim Sultans.”¹ There is no reference to the religious importance of Sidhpur as a place of Hindu pilgrimage. The article by B.L. Nagarch brings out that point when it says that “as the obsequial offerings to the paternal ancestors must be made at Gaya, so corresponding offerings to the maternal ancestors have to be performed at Sidhpur.” Nagarch tells us also that “the ancient name of Sidhpur appears to have been Šrîsthala or Šrîsthalaka” and that “the name of Sidhapur was given to this place in honour of Siddharãja JayasiMha who completed the Temple of Rudra-Mahãdeva in the twelfth century here.”²

The PurãNas regard Šrîsthala as the most sacred spot in the Sãrasvata-maNDala of Gujarat. TheBhãgvata PurãNa associates it with Kardama rishi, who had his hermitage here, and also with Kapila muni, who was born in this place on the bank of the sacred Sarasvati river. It was also known as Vindusara.³ It is said that ANahillapãTaka or ANahillapaTTaNa, the capital of medieval Gujarat before Ahmadabad came up in the first quarter of the fifteenth century, was founded where it was because of its nearness to Šrîsthala.

ANahillapaTTaNa, now known as Patan, was built in AD 745 by Vanarãja, the founder of the ChãvoTkaTa or Chãpã or Chãvdã dynasty. It reached its greatest glory, however, in the reign of JayasiMha (AD 1094-1143), the most illustrious ruler of the Chaulukya or Solãñkî dynasty of Gujarat. Jayasimha was very much devoted to Šrîsthala and visited it often in order to keep the company of sages and saints living at this place. There is a popular legend that JayasiMha defeated and captured Barbara, a demon who was molesting the holy men at Šrîsthala. Barbara, we are told, became his obedient servant and performed many superhuman deeds for him. That is how JayasiMha earned the sobriquet of Siddharãja. He built at Šrîsthala a temple dedicated to Rudra Mahãkãla which became known as Rudramahãlaya or simply Rudramãla. Because of its close association with Siddharãja, Šrîsthala became known as Siddhapura which name was corrupted to Sidhpur in course of time.

The spiritual fame of Sidhpur, however, proved to be its misfortune when Gujarat passed under a long spell of Muslim rule towards the close of the thirteenth century. Thereafter it attracted the attention of every Islamic iconoclast. Its temples were reduced to ruins and its holy men were either killed or scared away. Its spiritual importance had become greatly reduced when MuNhata NaiNasî, the famous historian of Rajasthan, visited it in Samvat 1717 (AD 1660). NaiNasî was at that time the Dîwãn of Mahãrãja Jaswant Singh of Jodhpur who had been appointed the Governor of Gujarat by Aurangzeb in AD 1658. He has left for us a brief description, historical and topographical, of Sidhpur as he saw it. “Sidhpur,” writes NaiNasî “is a pleasant city. It was founded by Sidharão after his own name. He invited from the East one thousand Udîchya BrãhmaNas who were well-versed in the Vedas and gave them seven hundred villages around Sidhpur… He had built a big temple named Rudramãla. That was razed to the ground by Sultãn Alãuddîn. Even so, several temples survive today. Beyond the city, towards the east, there is the river Sarasvarî. A temple dedicated to Mãdhava had been built on its bank. A ghãTa [flight of steps leading to the river] has also been constructed. The temple was destroyed by the Mughals but the ghãTa can still be seen… A Turk has built his bungalow on the ghãTa.”⁴

Sidhpur was liberated from the Muslim stranglehold by the Marathas in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. By the first quarter of the nineteenth, the Marathas lost to the British and in the settlement that followed Sidhpur was included in the princely state of Baroda along with Patan. The Marathas made no attempt to revive Sidhpur as a centre of Hindu pilgrimage. Nor did they try to restore Patan as the seat of a Hindu government. Neither the spiritual nor the political capital of Gujarat at one time has retained anything of a great past except wistful memories.

Rudramahãlaya

The Note from the Government of Gujarat says that the Rudramahãlaya was “built by Siddharaja Jayasimha in the 12th century” and that “it had eleven shrines dedicated to Akadasa Rudras.”⁵ The Report of the Minorities’ Commission repeats this description with the elucidation that “in the centre of this complex was situated the temple and in and around the courtyard were 11 other shrines dedicated to the Rudras…”⁶ Both of them say that the temple was profusely sculptured and ornamented. But none of them mentions what has survived of the central temple or the surrounding shrines.

B.L. Nagarch gives greater details in his aforementioned article. He writes:

“In about AD 944 Mûlarãja had founded the Rudra Mahãlaya, but as he had to remain busy in invasions and other engagements he could not complete it. This temple fell into ruins during the following centuries. Siddharãja JayasiMha took up the work of reconstruction of this temple on a scale greater than that originally conceived and could not finish the work till his death in AD 1143.

“Rudramahãlaya is the grandest and the most imposing conception of a temple dedicated to Šiva. Only a few fragments of the mighty shrine now survive, namely, four pillars in the north and five in the eastern side, porches of the three storeyed maNDapa. Four pillars in the back of it, a toraNaand a cell at the back remain in situ after being dismantled in the 13th century AD. With its adjacent shrines, possibly eleven, part of which was converted into Jami mosque later in the Mughal period, it must have formed part of a grand conception dedicated to Ekãdaša Rudras.

“Originally it covered an area of 100 x 66 mtrs. The central building itself occupies an area of about 50 x 33 mtrs. The mighty pillars of this temple are the tallest so far known in Gujarat.”⁷

It is difficult to visualize what the Rudramahãlaya looked like when it stood intact and in all its majesty. No other edifice of a similar conception has survived. We have only some legendary accounts, one of which is from NaiNasî who tells us how the Rudramahãlaya was conceived and constructed. We give below a summary of what he has written at length.

Sidharão, says NaiNasî, saw the Earth in a dream, appearing in the form of a damsel and demanding that she be decorated with a choice ornament. The king consulted the learned men who could divine dreams and they told him that the ornament for the Earth could mean only a magnificent temple. So the king invited architects from every land and they presented to him models of what they could conceive to be the best. But no model satisfied Sidharão and he became despondent. At that time there were two notorious thieves in his kingdom, Khãprã and Kãlã. As they started gambling on the Dîvãlî day, Khãprã wagered that he would give KoDidhaja, the renowned steed of Sidharão, if he lost the game. He lost and promised to the winner that he would procure the steed by the time of the next Dîvãlî day. He wormed himself into the confidence of Sidharão, first as a sweeper in the royal stable and then as a syce of KoDidhaja. The king who visited the stable everyday was very much pleased with Khãprã’s services and spent some time talking to him. One day the king confided to Khãprã his (the king’s) disappointment in the matter of a suitable temple. Soon after, the thief ran away with the horse and stopped for rest only when he reached the valley of Mount Abu. All of a sudden he saw the earth split and a temple came out. Gods and Goddesses staged a play in the temple as Khãprã watched sitting in a window of the divine edifice. He was reminded of Sidharão’s despondence and thought that this was the temple which would meet the king's expectations. He found out from the, Gods that the same miracle would be enacted again on the night of the day after next and rushed back to PãTaNa where he gave a graphic account to the king. The king came to the same spot and saw the temple which fully satisfied him. The Gods told him how to find the master architect who would build a similar temple for him. It took sixteen years to be completed, even though thousands of artisans were employed.⁸

NaiNasî has included in his chapter on the Rudramãla a poem written in its praise by Lalla BhaTTa.⁹ The first two stanzas which describe the architecture and sculptures of the temple are as follows:

Fourteen storeys rise above the earth and seven thousand pillars,
In row after row, while eighteen hundred statues studded with emeralds adorn it.
It is endowed with thirty thousand flagstaffs with stems carved and leaves of gold.
Seven thousand sculptured elephants and horses stand in attendance on Rudra.
Seeing it all, Gods and men get struck with wonder and are greatly charmed,
JayasiMha has built a temple which excites the envy of emperors. The sculptured elephants and lions trumpet and roar, all around, again and again,
The golden kalašas glitter on the maNDapa upheld by numerous pillars.
The statues sing and dance and roll their eyes,
So that even the Gods jump with joy and blow their conches.
The ecstatic dance of Gods is watched by Gods and men who crowd around,
That is why the Bull,¹⁰ O Sidha! O King of Kings! is feeling frightened.

A modern expert on medieval Hindu architecture has speculated about the Rudramahãlaya on the basis of what has survived. “The Solãñkî tradition maintains,” writes Dr. S.K. Saraswati, “a rich and prolific output in the twelfth century AD which saw two eminent royal patrons of building art in Siddharãja JayasiMha and Kumãrapãla. With the former is associated the completion of an imposing conception, the Rudra Mãlã or Rudra Mahãlaya, at Siddhapur (Gujarãt). Unfortunately it is now completely in ruins but a picture of its former splendour seems to have survived in a Gujarãtî ballad which speaks of the temple as covered with gold, adorned with sixteen hundred columns, veiled by carved screens and pierced lattices, festooned with pearls, inlaid with gems over the doorways and glistening with rubies and diamonds. Much of this is, no doubt, exaggeration full of rhetoric; but the impressive character of the conception is evidenced by the scanty, though co-lossal, remains. They consist of groups of columns of the pillared maNDapa, which seems to have been in more than one storey, and had three enterance porticos on three sides. The surviving foundations suggest that the conception with the usual appurtenances occupied a space nearly 300 feet by 230 feet. In front there stood a kîrti-toraNa of which one column still remains. From the dimensions the Rudra Mãlã seems to have been one of the largest architectural conceptions in this area. The rich character of its design is fully evident in the few fragments that remain.”¹¹

The Jãmi‘ Masjid

The Note from the Government of Gujarat says that “the temple was destroyed and three shrines in the eastern flank of the temple were converted into a mosque but there is no evidence as to the date of conversion.”¹² The Report of the Minorities’ Commission gives more details about the destruction and conversion of the temple. “This temple,” says the Report, “seems to have been destroyed partly by Ulugh Khan in AD 1297-98 and partly by Ahmadshah in AD 1415. Some of the cubicles and a number of pillars on the Western side of the temple, it would appear were later converted into a mosque. The prayer hall of the mosque so converted has three domes. In the Western (Qaba) waft of the mosque Mimbar and Mehrabs were provided by using the doors of the shrines which were then filled with debris. The exact date of conversion of this part of Rudramahalaya complex is not known. However, according to inscriptions at the entrance it appears that the mosque known as Jama Masjid, was constructed during the reign of Aurangzeb in 1645.”¹³

B.L. Nagarch, on the other hand, writes that “the inscription fixed in the modern entrance gate to the mosque mentions the construction of shops by Ali Askari in Adil Ganj and there is no reference to the mosque.”¹⁴ Moreover, Aurangzeb was not the ruling Mughal monarch in 1645, having ascended the throne thirteen years later in 1658. The “temple remains” discovered inside the mosque also go to show that at least that part of the structure was built not long after the Rudramahãlaya was demolished. The Minorities’ Commission, it seems, has relied upon some local tradition about Aurangzeb having built the mosque. Aurangzeb did live in Gujarat in 1645 when he was appointed Governor of that province by Shãh Jahãn. He also destroyed Hindu temples in Gujarat as is evident from his firmãn dated November 20, 1665 which says that “In Ahmadabad and other parganas of Gujarat in the days before my accession (many) temples were destroyed by my order.”¹⁵ It seems that somewhere along the line several stories have got mixed up and Aurangzeb has been credited with a pious deed he did not perform at Sidhpur, not at least in respect of the Jãmi‘ Masjid built on the site and from the debris of the Rudramahãlaya. What might have happened is that some major repairs to the Jãmi‘ Masjid were carried out while he was the Governor of Gujarat and at his behest. The subject needs examination with reference to records, if any.

Nor do we find a specific mention of Sidhpur or the Rudramahãlaya in the available accounts of Ulugh Khãn’s invasion of Gujarat. The Minorities’ Commission has made a mistake in giving the date of the invasion as AD 1297-98. The correct date is 1299.

There is, however, no doubt that Ahmad Shãh I (AD 1411- 43), the Sultãn of Gujarat, destroyed the Rudramahãlaya and raised a mosque on the site. “Soon after his return to Ahmadabad,” writes S.A.I. Tirmizi, “Ahmad marched to Sidhpur, which was one of the most ancient pilgrim centres in north Gujarat. It was studded with beautiful temples, some of which were laid low.”¹⁶ A.K. Majumdar is more specific. “Ahmad Shãh like his grandfather,” he says, “was a bigot and seized every opportunity to demolish Hindu temples. In 1414, he appointed one Tãj-ul-Mulk to destroy all temples and to establish Muslim authority throughout Gujarat. According to Firishta, the task was ‘executed with such diligence that the names of Mawass and Girass (i.e. Hindu zamindãrs) were hereafter unheard of in the whole kingdom.’ Next year Ahmad attacked the celebrated city of Sidhpur in north Gujarat where he broke the images in the famous Rudramahalaya temple and converted it into a mosque.”¹⁷

A poetic account of what Ahmad Shãh did at Sidhpur is available in Mirãt-i-Sikandarî, the history of Gujarat, written by Sikandar ibn-i-Muhammad alias Manjhû ibn-i-Akbar in the first quarter of the sixteenth century. “He marched on Saiyidpur,”¹⁸ writes the historian, “on Jamãd-ul-Awwal in AH 818 (July/August, AD 1415) in order to destroy the temples which housed idols of gold and silver.

Verse

He marched under divine inspiration,
For the destruction of temples at Saiyidpur,
Which was a home of the infidels,
And the native place of accursed fire-worshippers.¹⁹
There they dwelt, day and night,
The thread-wearing idolaters.²⁰
It had always remained a place for idols and idol-worshippers,
It had received no injury whatsoever from any quarter.
It was a populous place, well-known in the world,
This native place of the accursed infidels.
Its foundations were laid firmly in stone,
It was decorated with designs as if drawn from high heaven.
It had doors made of sandal and ûd.²¹
It was studded with rings of gold,
Its floors were laid with marble,
Which shone like mirrors.
Ûd was burnt in it like fuel,
Candles of camphor in large numbers were lighted in it.
It had arches in every corner,
And every arch had golden chandeliers hanging in it.
There were idols of silver set up inside,
Which put to shame the idols of China and Khotãn.
Such was this famous ancient temple,
It was famous all over the world.
By the effort of Ahmad, it was freed from the idols,
The hearts of idol-worshippers were shattered with grief.
He got mosques constructed, and mimbars placed in them,
From where the Law of Muhammad came into force.
In place of idols, idol-makers and idol-worshippers,
Imãms and callers to prayers and khatîbs were appointed.
Ahmad’s good grace rendered such help,
That an idol-house became an abode of Allãh.

“When the Sultãn was free from Saiyidpur, he marched on Dhãr in AH 819 (AD 1416-17).”²²

Siddharãja JayasiMha

The destruction of Hindu temples and their conversion into mosques was, as we shall see, a normal occupation for most of the Muslim rulers in medieval India. What adds a touch of pathos to the destruction and conversion of the Rudramahãlaya is that its builder, Siddharãja JayasiMha, had become known to the Muslims as a protector of their places of worship in Gujarat. Many other Hindu rulers provided the same protection to their Muslim subjects, as is evident from the presence of Muslim populations and religious establishments in all leading towns of western, southwestern and northern India long before these towns were sacked and occupied by Islamic invaders. K.A. Nizami has devoted a long essay to this subject and named Lahore, Benares, Bahraich, Ajmer, Badaun, Kanauj, Bilgram, Gopamau and Koil (Aligarh), etc., in this context.²³Other sources point to Muslim presence in the towns of Bengal, Bihar, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra. The doings of Siddharãja JayasiMha have, however, found place in a Muslim history. Jami’u-l Hikãyãt, written by Muhammad ‘Ufî who lived at Delhi in the reign of Shamsu’d-Dîn Iltutmish (AD 1210-36). The writer was a great collector of anecdotes regarding persons, places and events. He wrote:

“Muhammad ‘Ufî, the compiler of this work, observes that he never heard a story to be compared with this. He had once been to Kambãyat (Cambay), a city situated on the sea-shore, in which, a number of Sunnîs, who were religious, faithful, and charitable lived. In this city, which belonged to the chiefs of Guzerãt and Nahrwãla,²⁴ was a body of Fire-worshippers²⁵ as well as the congregation of Musulmãns. In the reign of a king named Jai Singh, there was a mosque and a minaret from which the summons to prayers were cried. The Fire-worshippers instigated the infidels to attack the Musulmãns and the minaret was destroyed, the mosque burnt, and eight Musulmãns were killed.

“A certain Muhammadan, a Khatîb, or reader of the Khutba by name Khatîb ‘Ali, escaped and fled to Nahrwãla. None of the courtiers of the Rãî paid any attention to him, or rendered him any assistance, each one being desirous to screen those of his own persuasion. At last, having learnt that the Rãî was going out to hunt, Khatîb ‘Ali sat down behind a tree in the forest and awaited the Rãî’s coming. When the Rãî had reached the spot, Khatîb ‘Ali stood up, and implored him to stop the elephant and listen to his complaint. He then placed in his hand a kaîsda, which he had composed in Hindi verse, stating the whole case. The Rãî having heard the case placed Khatîb ‘Ali under charge of a servant, ordering him to take the greatest care of him, and produce him in court when required to do so. The Rãî then returned, and having called his minister, made over temporary charge of the Government to him, stating that he intended to seclude himself for three days from public business in his harem, during which seclusion he desired to be left unmolested. That night, Rãî Jai Singh, having mounted a dromedary started from Nahrwãla for Kambãyat and accomplished the distance, forty parasangs, in one night and one day. Having disguised himself by putting on a tradesman’s dress, he entered the city, and stayed a short time in different places in the market place, making inquiries as to the truth of Khatîb ‘Ali’s complaint. He then learnt that the Muhammadans were oppressed and slain without any grounds for such tyranny. Having thus learnt the truth of the case, he filled a vessel with sea-water and returned to Nahrwãla, which he entered on the third night from his departure. The next day he held his court, and summonning all complainants he directed the Khatîb to relate his grievance. When he had stated his case, a body of the infidels wanted to intimidate him and falsify his statements. On this the Rãî ordered his water-carrier to give the water pot to them that they may drink from it. The Rãî then told them that he had felt unable to put implicit confidence in any one because a difference of religion was involved in the case; he had himself therefore gone to Kambãyat, and having made personal enquires as to the truth, had learnt that the Muhammadans were victims of tryanny and oppression. He said that it was his duty to see that all his subjects were afforded such protection as would enable them to live in peace. He then gave orders that two leading men from each class of Infidels, Brahmans, Fire-worshippers and others should be punished. He then gave a lac of Balotras²⁶ to enable them to build their mosque and minarets. He also granted to Khatîb four articles of dress. These are preserved to this day, but are exposed to view on high festival days. The mosque and minaret were standing until a few days ago.”²⁷